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THE EMERYVILLE SHELLMOUND 
FINAL REPORT 


BY 


W. EGBERT SCHENCK 


UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY 
AND ETHNOLOGY 


Volume 23, No. 3, pp. 147-282, plates 35-54, 8 figures in text, 1 map 
Issued November 24, 1926 


UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS 
BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA 


CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
LONDON, ENGLAND 


THE EMERYVILLE SHELLMOUND 
FINAL REPORT 


BY 
W. EGBERT SCHENCK 


CONTENTS 
PAGE 
1 ESHER PES co occ onpint SEaicce eS Or RE eee tat CO Ic Ae UN Ee a 150 
Mm PERT eas me ert CLO CTLOUITY CL cm eter co egictuintcuei Bea iacn. dred cearrel es sal Coa dheicyue dusviawidhaavcebeatqorpelins 153 
Sune I ER EEO NE EA cS i Rear iY i IPD DOG cal eet ae Wy shied cas soln ove hes MOne es 153 
Sern Os TEIN Se rete anit CR me RAR Ses oY one Re SiN EL ate cin cata ste lua cunt aspeaes 153 
era Pe URL TL LHe a ON tanh he ete Le Es ne oy 8g iok co Niaea ala iv Bemba se come eben 157 
Ri RR TAY VC VCE UTC TTRCUALL a co ph ga Se coca verse vapcmschonesf eno of exhasbs dlo'lsd sardeotane sad¥eniavankie uated vice 159 
Ie REMCT MER CMR NS TRH ets Oe Fee earns 1 cS a eanh ees oe asta HAGE ws iah cas pore ee Leer eR 160 
HN MS ech tarred ge Mo wie Be ERA Bites tia by RAR 161 
RY MEATY ee een Pee ses ck Se AES ue. osctnSgs ces CSUN tabdina Rottoeh mesic ae daa Stee Nadecseat Ase 161 
IONE ISTE CMEC LG VOL ae Sait eee odo cag shoo siegides tech hat taal ah i OI Sean 163 
SMe MSTE POLEES CETL, C5 CW OE Kcr ote tek hss EU oe in can Wile acme a Eel ceugs ase aad Maewers 165 
Bey eG TEGEIV Gs Of GLC TO OUIC acral es oes dieecuctvsiiseeacovs vias sabeutecvvesasaevseeat devedmunddeaeconeenceeoees 168 
MTT UPA GSC EaE. (1G. LMCI G ia re vd, Ascii xd wide escent Doers Sebdvpwileae bea iSl sadn taceeaiauld sntecn dk 170 
Bere ree CLE DOTTED SU OL ORS coe sc iets Seu sche yhvnac ihe eles colog ovehancefasgud slacneuudpnelavabiere emacs 170 
Bee er MRT rT Si sce PAP ca og. hatte d Fydal adeu desl naspesdin vunin cut, he cuuleg Siaslvee an Me AMR 173 
Fe el REDEEM es Meer S, TRS reek ok ck Tre Oe eos OR a Mads 2 ad at Ab meat cieramaa melt 174 
eee TEee TING mens EA Pola. Ses hate LRA Ao). cassie cuaisde Srcakbageeeaee aca e es 174 
Pa err eee CLIl SITS ote oe eo eee als ce. satan cee See eaten um ata See 176 
Ba ETL em ec eR Fc LN wal nl cape Rs luoad, Cosas aadanesmucd Match Ollie SoM tak 181 
1 CEU OESN TEARS GA eg oneal is ae OF en OR RC, Aer tn ta 182 
PORTING tn NA TAR Se ee hae ta eco PE aNd eset Pe sce ch 0h oy 4A Rad Nannon Rea desea eae 183 
1H OSIRIS Ran et oot ee EIR SUD REE RR PERE AP eat eye eet Ss 183 
“ORTHOTIC! Lacy Se theta On deg ne ne Ee, OO ne RN RMR nC Ae OCR Ee ns ie 185 
RUPEE EMU LISEE EEC ITO COL. ohn csc h ac Roan akeie eal pechtias ates actly eee Nec Ane are 185 
rere CTU LMC IS EL LIU TONG a50icc cls. canst sock ca panau caves ee Goons Ge ties bo See ae bce ce, Co eee 186 
rae Wa ES Hig Te bs) POSE oe ee ne i aie SBE Onis FRE AA er nS Trg Ree Nien Seale 194 
LS TW ERE Cea 2a as OS aac A gee pe Jen BI nrg Fak PSR Pate eis Ma terbr tn © PER, AE ie Be 195 
TINS EYED kos cate nek te a od a oe a er DIAC Metra yn ac eet Wee ea ee? 197 
SLE E URTEVOL LOC ice 5 ces ca eles aes oe oS er eee eed 199 
BME ee UCL TE CE Soo accessed ua oe ene PLES Soe a ey SRA oe ee te 203 
PPT 8 LECT ett eek oe ecu asta eh et ne ee 203 
CCST Ya CTS Seat ae ROM sete nM PCE ME) Mar Ah WeeRr ARE eM i ete Pe 203 
TES GIT oo ey Re ete tate Use CO eT AE Ric AS nee We AS 204 
Pathological data...............c::ccce Pe RR OY CRN ORE Fn cy ed tn liae rare 205 
Re ETOE SUC POS GIONS seat u:clee ie5s etsy <s roerrasas arto ete Monee cy rene ee 205 
Warsinig Tate Of ACCUMULA DION cscs. ae teeredt eos coon Seer beeen tl ame 205 
NEAL AAW ie OER PITS ER MINs  de oe Hy, SP UNE nV fe Rtrs meets eS a 206 
Peron eO Ob LOO HSLDA GB nc sentva oancneetest dao ane atreuten teat cedar 206 
PT O-CONGINUOUS TESCO crc) o crue hcsch ede nier aes oun ne et act cee cae ees 207 
BRUTE 11 GF THO POLL BLEED ceases Sys foc ease sk armed cnt cot readers Eon ta new yan eee neater ne 208 
PRSTOR AOC LLG: yas Pha ac asin ies vaestaccnt2s Atop de gba se abana dasient scat alata can elie Ma atcha s 208 
eA LelOU A COUINULStLOU see oie. et ee ee ee bagi eee 208 
ML EETIE OE SLC CUTIE LA CLOT iccer xe eiaiecas eer tee ages ete ea sceal etre aoe nc een 209 


148 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


PAGE 

Material cultures :ctocctis aieditiueeevte tone am oe be MER dee ee 212 
Articles of asphal Gum: 2.5.4 5d.ssteee ete ee cerca ee ee 212 
Articles of DOME 0G. aeicaad eae he he aC en a Rees eye sens te 213 
FNL 59.0 '4,1 | Ope aReee Soins Rem M Smee CORA T Aer Hee tN Mn CR Sc 214 
Awl Bieecachgs 2a ea ee ee. ol 214 
EET | Rg ee ny SRRO OEY RMT TM Rel WAM aes Glee neem MOTE Se 218 
Club or sword sua Sate, See eine 218 
Pishhookai ees see iat Cote Pachter 218 
Fleshers or’ saw-like implements),s.....c.:0.c0s bevenusyissces cee 219 
Knives, scrapers, marrow extractors, hair ornaments ...............0...:c:ccc0 220 
Miscellame ous. ii. sé cczssi tics Asssossanzestvetuatercba ole ake ee sauna ee 220 
Nee le icsiccsiccccooessdi seseonassugensiaetssteeend Oo eres SUR OS eee 220 
PUB a sisson cacciban debasscnctabu iver chad'nen Lo tcees se eee Ba a oe Se ae Oe 221 
Saw-like implements .i... 0.0 cfc..iieccssdccsacessensedoesesstennsiji sacs eens leat 221 
Sting-ray bone objects -...4...c.c60. 0. .c hes cchsasenescpssnees ditceeeee cs Sele 221 
Tet Bosc. oe tiscsnsecuscenwicles olessaeeseehceshacttuesioccuel a beak apical a aso oeaee et 221 
DUB eB ee foes ciy sGocwe deuce Soakeoa liv aauslgte ust velo tule Hage a cnn 222 
Whalebone artifacts... cccecsscZsnconcsssvreccvseesdiease tsetse ee 223 
Whistles... sca iscctba cia soticecnss. cderesdoaquslcs Retest Gn tices tae a ie 223 
Articles of Clay’...idceccsecsscccsscnsunessihcuuntssavuvsesogscvat- secu nk no caaeediy Gite eat ie aa 225 
Articles of European makes. ...3.c:.:..asudec eee eee Rees t. 225 
Articles of Worn....cccccc) cific .ceioeataseus areas dele Sov 226 
CUPS. .0n s sescunindss doped sunutiovyagy SacalvesAepuie Aeler  Gioeenaeete ee seata ete er 226 
Fishhooks or fish-spears..i....... .c:c.scedc.clesesstesssncauviseasviesarede Ss vee 226 
Flaking tool... c.0,.sccscesssedevesethuassxteesfov seco 228 
Fork-like implement ..0.0cé.nsscx.sc4csss!sn0-thartoriconed aotpe a cee 228 
Miscellame ou... ...c.s.seccsssssenscvcandesoocssosscouseadeatatostavti ves ahhh es ae 229 
Pendants in.. sicscciissecdecseses sdtestusinsoteredlo sundae no utaedie tee enna ee err 229 
Weed ges... oo. sisccccccsesssccensdeccneqteta iashs ounce alecenye Duele nilesaage talnatelseyl tennant 229 
Articles of shell. ciccccccccsssccussnenavsoccneuswess conetescuseipden uttoesst ee 230 
Bead ecess: «. ccsiieuss ssancecsainiics cet oansioa vos'guanysniiodiaaca sat Ugnesps SAO ean a tee a 233 
DIS 68.2. niece steetsatvaesgeced Gintvua sessed delescrnranpalyceteeen ie ee a re 235 
Miscellameouss q..s..i.c). sas cscssscetesnedeseceontaseserssereneraton tfeiees tall oh saben ect ean 236 
Pendants ...5.0..ccccccsccerssentseotunsbuswsevsessnosieivovungbieesnssi tsb enone 236 
Vessel s.....ccccccccccsesencavcaasdeieoud vtcs gamed carbs De sagbhtunesecamasesdsas/ts eee te 239 
Articles of stone (chipped) si)... 02:...ccssctcasouscsstesatestessssres tts che ae 239 
Arrowpoints, spearheads, and knives... 0.0.2.0 239 
Scrapers and (or) Kmives..cc...0.5...ccccessecseetst tose setss ness oun nie 243 
Articles of stone: (ground) o.3.0:..52.1...ccsreessasbtincomtahesssnesteouserssnteael eh er 245 
Mort ars... gale eivaoas sticde Hossa secye can ecuote stetaccentics eager ace nate 245 
Pestle... csecssovsudeSavatvasusdsvco tussspoescadhs snnasi ton sve €0acunbite wx ofatle Uke ene ear 247 
PUPOB.. cfc jes essen toviles ehoativout vlhggivsusa ge hoeh cast caheeglies anata eae CaP aa ee te a 250 

<4 (00 <: SS ern ORR UR RMN DDRTMRT TE LO CN 253 
Plummet-like stones and (or) Charmstones.............00.cccccccccceceeceseeesceseceeeseesens 254 
Rubbing stones and whetstonés........0..0....64.00st-ts.cs er 264 
Sinker cise cies ee wteasasie contend eae 264 
Articles of stone (unworked }inioo.2.c.0.5c.st00ts save sts oest sa seeb olan cect eay cs eee 265 
Cry stale. cciiscccschileletycastcs ac casdeeeesebev aie watee auc de cen tl coeate eae Cet en 265 
“"Olithg’ yc sesii et cdelats the ldsaldets kage Moods bee tnenveeletUntoeee es pete ea 265 
Hammerstomes.c.iaicisaesssvaioesteatensaniescqusarestersaretacvenincsacsaauiovecrsseqvel ete inn ann 266 
Mica OrmaMents....tci.ccccssisstsescsciaicvecates tondn tae vdaestoanlevedieay cas )one tess aceenee aa rrr 266 
Miscellaneous. .isiicccs.sescsncsasssssessasenacdee tsesaeenssus ddgmieontiensedsenueisey ates eter 267 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 149 


a PAGE 
ER eC Ee OO CL er Meee te ae eget ter, POR, Ly jotrkc eats cd ahs Siosen oe so hiasalele Suse ibinione 268 
Sr Peery CRCOL CAL OAs eee ena het AAG et cecil a as ale Ss ack Segue usasepasacsdivi waseiartadieiees 269 
OTA AG Se enn eT ere OS Sh bec i cae 2 th AAR, Ie Suerte ue aie tly 270 
OSI Ota | GUPLOR CTV As Roo lanai il a OE ah eat cel ee ee ee 275 
Br ee REOW EI Of CHG TOUMC. coc. s.r Sect scvaceonysejncgendschessgysensoonssise hecdevsermsdsestemeaedel 275 
Pere CETISUICS Of LC. IN a DICE ES cords cess, ples oatenss seas. sesbanedsewtnnsnubeseonnparactasedeenese 2D 
TLS cE GLUS) OTTO Ta ioe lie i OR ete SPOS at ye MER GO a An AE af 
Nese lov ase aay 1a) FET ASSIS ete Nene ie I Ee Pa i Sy Seah BR re er On Se 280 
FIGURES IN TEXT 
BU RCMPem VISIT POOPTADNICAL LEAEUTES cic sciccc.sececsssesensnsdedesccsevessnastatencacrenpeos’layavcevoeasees 154 
Figure 2. Probable relation to neighboring topographical features.................... 159 
Figure 3. Cross-sections showing bottom of mound material........0.0..000.0ccc 164 
ee aee MOTOS GE) 11S EL LO ieee p cs sve vss oviti Beaty ad eve eche veno Adel vRl se hhsdeh iene vedbotsn's 226 
Figure 5. Double pointed gorge or barb for fishhook..0..0..0.c.ccccceecceccceseeeeseeseneeees 227 
Figure 6. Single pointed gorge or barb for fishhook........00.0cccccicceecceeeseeeeeees 220 
BOO eA ONO OTMATIEN bie. od. een yosLvies ave otedae ser eS ts eee ee ee 227 
Pate es MRC I GAINE, ANC VOTING Of DIDER ois a-soiiccescnksevo-eaoddtbtas isos aevhanc¥acsearieiaceiv ae aleoe, 251 
MAP 
Plan of the cone of the Emeryville shellmound 0.0.0.0. eeeecseeseeeseeeeeee 274 
TABLES 
Table 1. Chemical analysis of shellmound material ...0...0.000000000c coc 12 
Table 2. Types of rock in Emeryville shellmoumd........00000000 cece cee 175 
Table 3. Distribution of rock in lower portion of mound.........0.0..0.00.0000c0cce 176 
Table 4. Statistics on skeletal distribution in the cone........0..0....0.000ccceccees 188 
Pe amoral associations 10. the-Cones.....6.csccsessecyesss o-0.c0s 2k eadccenn ae eae 190 
Table 6. Burials and associations in the trenches...........0....0.cccccccceccseseeeeeee 192 
Table 7.. Age and sex of determinable skeletal remains..........00.00.00000000.cce 203 
Table 8. Material per burial in various MoundG.......0..0...0.cccccccccceseceeeenseceeneenees 205 
Sie em LENO L VV LILG! INOPEATS: 50d. <.02y soccer vtineadsoiidrbadoeh pmoasbeetiratsaaoe om aera canes 244 
Smet Vem TEI Y VILLE! DOSTLOB 3 sa cc.decaniseskiis ote cacestuonscdnlenesvuspomss lensed sheere A ducealt woe eet 248 
Table 11. Plummet-like stones from Emeryville (1924-25)... 255 
Table 12. Summary of the main elements of the material culture of the 
Homery vi lershell MmOund Sct etic eae eae ce acer 21 
PLATES 
(Following page 282) 
Plate 35. A. The Emeryville shellmound in October, 1924. 
B. Southerly wall of Areas 28, 29, and 30. 
Plate 36. A. Calcined layers on northwestern slope. 
B. Cross-section in Areas 8 and 9. 
Plate 37. A. Heavy ash deposits in Areas 21, 22, 29, 30. 
B. Clamshell lenses in Area 20. 
Plates 38-39. Bone awls. Plate 47. Pendants, crystals, basketry. 
Plate 40. Bone fleshers. Plate 48. Chipped stone points. 


Plate 41. Bone tubes and whistles. Plates 49-50. Stone mortars. 

Plates 42-43. Bone and horn artifacts. Plate 51. Pestles. 

Plate 44. Horn artifacts. Plate 52. Pipes and plugs. 

Plate 45. Shell beads and discs. Plate 53. Plummet-like stones. 

Plate 46. Abalone shell pendants. Plate 54. Miscellaneous mineral pieces. 


- 150 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


2 


PREFACE 


For perhaps seventy-five years a number of artificial shellmounds 
scattered along the shore line of San Francisco bay have excited the 
curiosity of the incoming white settlers. As long as fifty years ago 
collections were being made of the aboriginal relics found on their 
surfaces or turned out by the plow. In the spring of 1902 Professor . 
John C. Merriam and Dr. Max Uhle of the University of California 
first directed scientific attention to these mounds, making careful 
excavations at the Emeryville site and: publishing methodical considera- 
tions of the evidence obtained.? During the years 1906—08 N. C. Nelson 
made a detailed study and report on the Ellis landing mound ;* and 
in 1908 he completed a survey of the entire San Francisco bay region, 
located, numbered, and mapped the mounds, analyzed them in detail 
and published a summary of his observations and conclusions.* This 
work disclosed nearly 400 of these shell-heaps and established the fact 
that they were of the same general nature as the ‘‘kitchen-middens’’ of 
other countries. In 1913 KE. W. Gifford made a series of laboratory 
analyses to determine the constituents of the mounds.’ In 1915 L. L. 
Loud reported on the mound at Stege.® Other field work was done 
which has not yet been reported.’ In 1924 one of the most conspicuous 
of the mounds, situated in Emeryville (No. 309), was leveled in order 
to convert the area into a factory site. This destruction presented an 
opportunity for the collection of fresh data which the University was 
enabled to embrace. The main purpose of the present paper is to 
present these data. 


1 Thompson and West; Historical atlas of Alameda County, 15, 1878. 

2The Emeryville shellmound, present series, vil, 1907. 

3 The Ellis landing shellmound, present series, vil, no. 5, 1910. 

4 Shellmounds of the San Francisco bay region, present series, VII, no. 4, 1909. 
5 Composition of California shellmounds, present series, XII, no. 1, 1916. 

6 The Stege mounds at Richmond, California, present series, Xvi, no. 6, 1924. 


71902. E. L. Furlong acquired specimens for the University from the West 
Berkeley mound. 

1906. N. C. Nelson, S. A. Barrett, P. E. Goddard, and A. V. Wepfer under 
the direction of Professor John C, Merriam dug a pit and obtained specimens 
from the Emeryville mound. 

1908-1912. N. C. Nelson made excavations in divers mounds about the bay. 
A number of specimens were obtained but his report has never been written. 

1911. L. L. Loud excavated and studied a mound (No. 356) near the southern 
end of San Francisco bay but has not yet published the result of his labors. 

1913. L. L. Loud did the same for a mound at Glen Cove near Benicia on 
Carquinez strait at the northeastern end of the San Francisco bay region. 


1926] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 151 


The new studies fall into two divisions. First, the removal by steam 
shovel of the upper portion of the mound was utilized for observations 
and the gathering of skeletal and artifact material exposed. Second, 
after the conclusion of the leveling operations, controlled excavations 
were made by hand in the undisturbed lower levels. These excavations 
were rendered possible by the generosity of Mr. P. E. Bowles. 

The steam shovel work at Emeryville offered one great advantage. 
The large volume of material handled and the disclosure of cross- 
sections of the entire mound enabled us to secure a comprehensive 
view denied by the narrow horizons incident to limited excavations. 
We were struck by the check which this broad view gave on conclusions 
suggested by our own hand work, and which led us to regard with great 
caution comparisons with work done at different places by different 
methods. Hence in giving our conclusions frequent reference is made 
to the work of Uhle, Nelson, Gifford, and Loud so that the reader may 
conveniently weigh the evidence and check our assertions. In some 
cases where such citations differ from our own conclusions considerable 
discussion has been indulged in. It is hoped that this will not appear 
unduly contentious or obscure the feeling of obligation and respect 
which the author feels for previous workers. 

Several considerations have governed us in comparing the findings 
at Emeryville with those of other areas. It seemed best to make no 
attempt to go beyond the borders of California. Within these limits 
the material available for such comparisons is limited mostly to San 
Francisco bay itself and to the Santa Barbara region. Other material 
exists but in order to be used it would have to be worked up somewhat 
along the present lines and it seemed unreasonable to delay the present 
paper until such work could be done. Hence while a consistent attempt 
has been made to compare Emeryville with other San Francisco bay 
mounds which have been worked, our comparisons with other areas 
are limited to the facts which happened to be familiar to us as we 
wrote. | 

It is in an endeavor to make such regional comparisons easier in the 
future that we have developed and described so fully as many types as 
possible, that we have sometimes used material inadequate in quantity, 
and have indulged in conjectures based thereon. <A casual survey 
would establish the shellmound culture as ranking very low in the 
cultural scale. Hence the value of its study seems to lie in the possi- 
bility of tracing relationships through regional comparisons. Uhle’s 
work reflects the awakening of the anthropologists of his time to the 


152 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


remoteness of man’s beginnings. Nelson is influenced by the dawning 
importance of the stratification of human deposits. 

Some justification for our liberal indulgence in speculation seems 
necessary. Partly this is to offset previous speculations, but most 
largely it is due to our belief that speculative hypotheses furnish one 
of the most stimulating guides for the acquiring and testing of evidence 
and the arranging of it into its true position in the scheme of things. 

The Department of Anthropology is under particular obligation to 
Mr. P. E. Bowles, of Oakland. His generous financial patronage 
rendered our intensive work possible. Mr. John Hubert Mee, president 
of the Mee Hstate, thoughtfully made known to the University his 
intentions concerning the property on which the mound is located, 
permitted us to use the land as we desired, and furnished interesting 
information. Mr. Charles Claudius, in charge of the leveling work for 
the Pacific States Construction Co., did everything in his power to 
help us secure the maximum of scientific data, furnished us with maps 
and surveying data, and lent much equipment for our work. Mr. 
Sayler, of the adjacent Sherwin-Williams sulphur plant, supplied us 
with steam and tools. Many persons whose names are unknown 
secured and turned over to us specimens that would otherwise have 
been lost. 

The author especially appreciates the guidance and assistance given 
him by Dr. A. L. Kroeber and Mr. E. W. Gifford of the Department of 
Anthropology. Mr. L. L. Loud, of the Museum of Anthropology of the 
University, was his untiring and able assistant in the field. Members 
of the Department of Geological Sciences of the University, especially 
Dr. George D. Louderback, kindly assisted with the geological points 
involved, as did Dr. Warren D. Smith, of the Department of Geology, 
of the University of Oregon, and Mr. Hubert G. Schenck, Associate in 
Paleontology, in Leland Stanford Jr. University. To Miss Edna 
Fisher, Assistant Curator of Osteology of the Museum of Vertebrate 
Zoology of the University of California, we owe our identification of 
the animal remains recovered. 


1926] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 153 


GEOGRAPHY OF THE MOUND 
LOCATION 


The Emeryville shellmound was situated a little north of latitude 
37° 50’ N and somewhat east of longitude 122° 18’ W on the eastern 
shore of San Francisco bay, almost due east of the Golden Gate (fig. 1). 
It lay in Emeryville, a civic incorporation between the cities of 
Oakland and Berkeley, Alameda County, California; on ground 
officially described as the western portion of Plot No. 7 of the Kellers- 
berger Survey of the Peralta Grant ;* and between the bay and the 
Southern Pacific Company’s railway tracks and between the Shell- 
mound Park and Shellmound Tower stations of that line. Nearer the 
last-named station and westerly across the tracks from it the southerly 
property line of the sulphur plant of the Sherwin-Williams Paint Co. 
intersects the westerly property line of the Southern Pacific Company’s 
right of way (A, pl. 35). Thence southerly along the Southern Pacific 
right of way line (AC) 125 feet and then westerly at right angles 100 
feet lies the point which hereinafter will be called the center of the 
mound (M, pl..35). | 


ENVIRONS 


In discussing the situation of this spot our desire is to note those 
features of a permanént nature and as far as possible to reconstruct 
the aboriginal environment (fig. 1). 

The situation is on an alluvial plain which stretches from north to 
south along the entire eastern shore of San Francisco bay with an 
average width of some three or four miles. After this distance it 
passes sharply into the steep slopes of the Berkeley and San Leandro 
hills of the Coast Range mountains. The maximum elevation attained 
by these hills is about 1800 feet. On the south this plain merges imper- 
ceptibly into an extensive area now known as the Santa Clara valley. 

8 Being part of a Spanish grant the area has never been laid out in town- 


ships, ranges, and sections. 


9It will of course be understood that there was nothing on the ground to 
mark this point. Further, no idea of mass is implied, i.e., it has nothing to do 
with the center of gravity. In any horizontal plane it is the point perpendicu- 
larly under the supposed apex of the mound. 

The center according to Uhle’s map (loc. cit., pl. 37) does not coincide with 
ours. Our map is based on the survey made by the Pacific States Construction 
Co. Both probably approximate the truth and the discrepancy would not 
invalidate any conclusion drawn herein. 


154 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


On the north after meandering the shores of San Pablo bay it is 
obstructed by the hills. However, at no place do these hills offer any 
real obstacle to travel and after a two or three days’ march a good 
walker will debouch upon the vast interior plain of California, the 
San Joaquin valley. 


ahow Water 


“6 line 


37°50 





49° 


; 122° 16 
(8 
Fig. 1. Main geographical features of the Emeryville shellmound. ‘‘A’? 
is the western cone dealt with as ‘‘the mound.’’ (Based on U. S. Coast and 
Geodetic Survey of 1859.) 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 155 


Returning to our particular locality we find that under fair 
weather conditions the details of the bay and the Berkeley hills are 
strikingly visible. And in an hour’s walk one can attain an elevation 
on those hills whence the entire bay regions appears as a map. In 
other words, anyone living in such a situation must certainly have had 
a fair knowledge of the surrounding country—its groves, streams, 
settlements, ete. 

On the east, in 1924, the mound was bounded by the railway tracks 
above mentioned. When these tracks were laid a portion of the mound 
was cut away and twenty or so burials were unearthed. Just across 


the tracks, farther east, were formerly other ‘‘mounds’’ which were 


leveled to make a race track, revealing burials and artifacts when the 
work was done. Beyond this the plain, treeless except for the stream 
courses where there were buckeyes, willows, ete., extended to the hills. 


The information on these other ‘‘mounds’’ is conflicting. ‘‘Old timers’’ 
told the writer that there were two large mounds just east of the tracks. 
Others said that there was only one but that it was larger than the present 
mound. The Coast Survey map of 185919 and that of 191511 both show two 
connected mounds. An old history of Alameda county!2 prints a picture of the 
residence of Mr. J. 8. Emery (at the present corner of San Pablo avenue and 
Forty-fifth street) which, in the background, shows the race track (for which 
at least one mound had probably been leveled), the present mound with shrub- 
bery, windmills, and a tank or pavilion thereon, and also two other mounds 
(southwest toward the bay) connected with it. This makes four in all. 
Nelson! numbers this site 309 on his map and plots one large and two small 
mounds ‘‘still present,’’ and two large mounds ‘‘disappeared.’’ From all this 
it seems certain that several cones were formerly visible on this site. 

But from the evidence on the ground as well as from the stories and maps 
it is also clear that at least two of the larger cones were connected. These data 
point to the existence on the site not of a number of isolated ‘‘mounds’’ but 
of a single, widespread, perhaps rather thin mass of mound material from which 
there arose a number of cones of the same material. In figure 2 the elements 
of this conception are presented. No data exist which enable us to divide this 
mass accurately into definitely separate entities, either horizontally as by cones 
or vertically as strata. To avoid confusion we will follow precedent and use the 
terms ‘‘mound,’’ ‘‘Emeryville shellmound,’’ ete.; but whereas in previous 
discussions those were meant to designate a distinct and separate unit our con- 
ception is that only a portion of the whole is being dealt with and in our use 
of the terms we cover only the western cone (cone A, fig. 2). This distinction 
is of importance when we come to consider the origin and growth of the mound. 


10U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey map, Entrance to San Francisco Bay, 
1859. 

11 U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey map, San Francisco Entrance, No. 5532, 
1915. 

12 Thompson and West, Historical Atlas of Alameda County, 9, 1878. 

13 Shellmounds of the San Francisco bay region, present series, VII, no. 4, 
1909, map 1. 


156 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol, 23 


Flowing in from the east and passing south of the mound was a 
small creek, called on present maps Temescal creek. Its nearest point 
was about 450 feet southeast of the center of the mound (M) and it 
discharged into the bay some 800 feet southwest of the center. This 
ereek seems to be the determining physiographical feature of the 
location. In the first place, it would have tended to focus population 
by furnishing a supply of fresh water. At the present time its flow is 
not natural since it was dammed in the hills in 1866 to form Temeseal 
lake. It has a drainage area of six square miles and in 1866 it was 
the principal water supply for the several thousand inhabitants of 
Oakland.** In the second place, it must have been of importance as a 
source of food. Within the memory of men living nearby it has had 
salmon runs. And Mr. P. E. Bowles informs me that in the early 
1880’s it was a favorite resort for amateur fishermen. Farther on, 
the creek overflowed producing marshy ground in which was a more 
luxuriant plant growth and which must have furnished coverts for 
game. Just east of the mound was a considerable area of this kind 
(fig. 1). Finally, forming a bar at its mouth in the bay, it directed 
the cut and fill of the current of the Sacramento river which flows very 
definitely through the bay hugging this shore. Within the past fifty 
years much of this bar has been removed and the wash from the hills 
has been decreased because of human settlements. In the same period 
the river current has cut in, bringing the shore line farther east as is | 
discussed below. 

South of the creek was a ‘‘ willow thicket’’ some 20 acres in extent 
which probably furnished a convenient and ample supply of firewood. 
Farther south (fig. 1) the thicket merged into a marsh extending about 
one and a half miles along the shore and gradually increasing in width 
until at its southern end it was three-quarters of a mile wide. Beyond 
this was a mile of rolling highland supporting a beautiful growth of 
oaks which reached eastward to the hills and which gave Oakland its 
name. These furnished an important source of food and no aboriginal 
settlement seems to have existed nearer to them than the Emeryville 
mound. | 

West of the mound is San Francisco bay. In 1924 the shore line 
was 220 feet from the center of the mound (fig. 2). In 1902, Uhle’s 
map? shows it was 260 feet. Uhle further states'® that in 1877 it was 
about 300 feet. In other words, the shore line is working eastward at 

14M, W. Wood, History of Alameda county, 650 et seq., 1883. 


15 Op. cit., pl. 3. 
16 Op. cit., 3. 


1926] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 157 


the rate of about 150 feet a century. Such cutting may not have been 
going on for a century but only since modern conditions have pre- 
vented the wash from the hills balancing the cutting. However, the 
1859 Coast Survey map shows the 6-foot depth line (fig. 1) farther 
west—not only opposite the mound but north of it—than in 1915. 
This would indicate that the cutting was largely independent of the 
creek. 

Low tide left a quarter of a mile of beach exposed. This was true 
even at the creek mouth. Hence boats or rafts could have been beached 
or brought into the safe port of the creek only at high water. Beyond 
the low tide line it was another mile before a man was over his head 
at low tide. Within the memory of nearby residents this was a fine 
clean beach of white sand containing shellfish. 

North of the mound the plain was not marshy, supported few trees, 
and had few streams. A small creek falls into the sea about 3300 feet 
north of Temescal, and in another 3300 feet is a second small creek. 
The mouth of Strawberry creek in West Berkeley, where there was 
another mound, is 5600 feet north. Thence northward the shore was 
more marshy with a creek parallel to the shore. About four miles 
beyond Strawberry creek, Stege with its mound was reached, and in 
another mile the Ellis Landing mound; from which it will be seen that 
aboriginal settlements were reasonably close together in this direction. 


HISTORICAL DATA 


The first recorded traveler to pass along the eastern shore of San 
Francisco bay was the Spaniard Pedro Fages in 1772.17 He reports 
much game—deer and bear, but no Indians. Since he does mention 
them at the southern end of the bay and again at the northern end, as 
do also the two succeeding explorers, Anza and Moraga, and since the 
weather was such that he plainly saw the Golden Gate it seems 
incredible to the author that any people could have been residing at the 
time in the present vicinity of Oakland-Berkeley. However, when 
Commander Ayala explored the bay by water in 1775 he mentions 
meeting a number of Indians on balsas.** Following these brief men- 
tions we have little historical data pertaining to our site until we reach 
the modern history of Oakland. The land on which Oakland stood was 
granted by the King of Spain to Luiz Maria Peralta in 1820. He 


17H. H. Bancroft, The native races of the Pacific states, 11, 595, 1886. 
18 H. H. Bancroft, History of California, 1, 246-247, 1884. 


158 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. ~ [Vol. 23 


divided his grant among his five sons and Vincente Peralta obtained 
the portion in which we are at present interested. Vincente established 
his residence near Temescal creek about one and a half miles east of 
the mound (near the point where the present Telegraph avenue crosses 
the creek, i.e., at Vernon street). This region became known as the 
Mexican village of Temescal.1® Now Uhle deduces from the name 
Temescal the existence of an aboriginal settlement.2° But it seems to 
the author just as likely that the name arose from the Vincente Peralta 
establishment. Among his retainers would be Indians or others using 
the sweat bath and it is likely that they would establish a sweat house 
(temeseal) near their houses on the creek, whence the creek would 
receive its name. The supposed name first appears on the 1857 Kelles- 
berger Survey map as ‘‘Temescouta’’ which may or may not be 
Temescal. | 
In 1857 Kellesberger made his survey of the Peralta grant and in 
1859 Edward Wiard*? bought the plot on which the shellmound stands. 
Maps of that date show buildings on both mounds. In 1871 he leveled 
at least a portion of the easterly mound and established a mile race 
track known as the Oakland Trotting Park. In 1876 he opened a holi- 
day resort and picnic grounds known as Shellmound Park. ‘‘It 
derives its name from one of the ancient Indian shellmounds which 
. rises to a height of 60’. Its summit being crowned with a danc- 
ing pavilion.’’?? It was doubtless due to its inclusion in this park that 
the mound was so long preserved practically intact. It is doubtful 
that the mound was ever 60 feet high though an indeterminate amount 
of its top was cut off to provide the level plateau for the pavilion. In 
1879 the park was leased to Captain Ludwig Seibe, who held the lease 
until the destruction of the mound in 1924. In the meantime James 
Mee acquired the property from Wiard in 1886 and passed it to the 
Mee Estate in 1906.72 Its subsequent history we have indicated in the 
introduction. 


19M. W. Wood, History of Alameda county, 652, 807-808, 1883. 
20 Op. cit., 5. 

21M. W. Wood, History of Alameda county, 996, 1883. 

22M. W. Wood, History of Alameda county, 807, 1883. 

23 Letter from John Hubert Mee dated November 22, 1924. 


1926] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 159 


TOPOGRAPHY OF THE MOUND 


When Uhle abandoned the mound in 1902 it was surmounted by a 
pavilion surrounded by a cypress hedge.2* By 1924 both of these had 
been destroyed. The cut by the Northern Railroad (now Southern 
Pacific Company) had destroyed the natural contours on the east. On 





Willow Grove 


{ 

{ 

: _ Fig. 2. Probable relation of Cone A, Emeryville shellmound, 
to neighboring topographical features. 


the north a factory and a tank had been erected. This work had dis- 
closed burials but had obliterated the northern projection of the mound 
(fig. 2). On the west between the mound and the bay a concrete road 
had been built. A portion of the mound had been used for the pur- 
pose and this further confused the contours. Even with these dis- 
figurements the mound presented itself as a fairly symmetrical 
truncated cone with steeply sloping sides (pl. 36). 


160 Uniwwersity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


DATUM POINTS 


With reference to datum points it would be simplest to follow Uhle 
except that he nowhere definitely states his bases but uses such terms 
as the ‘‘level of the plain.’’ Moreover his maps” and his text employ 
as synonomous such radically different terms (see below) as ‘‘shore 
line,’’ ‘‘sea level,’’ ‘‘level of high tide,’’ ‘‘level of the bay,’’ ‘‘ general 
tide level of the bay,’’ ete. Therefore for heights we have adopted 
the Southern Pacific Company’s system wherein zero, known as 
‘*C. P. datum’’ is apparently an arbitrary point. Combining the rail- 
way data with those obtainable from the Coast Survey Chart 5532, 
1915, the elevation of the following points can be set down, all relating 
to San Francisco bay. 


—1.733 feet Lowest tide 
0. C. P. datum 
+0.767 feet Coast and Geodetic Survey datum (mean lower low tide) 
1.867 feet Mean low tide 
3.667 feet Mean level of the bay at North Point 
5.067 feet Mean high tide 
7.367 feet Mean higher high tide (Oakland) 
9.1 feet Highest tide — shore line 


Since both Uhle and Nelson have drawn important conclusions based on 
““sea level,’’ it seems desirable to explain this schedule in detail. In San 
Francisco bay, one high tide is radically different from the other high tide of 
the same twenty-four hours. The low tides likewise differ. In other words, 
there is a higher high tide, a high tide, a low tide, and a lower low tide. All 
these tides vary with the seasons. The very lowest water observed fell 1.733 
feet below datum. But the average of the lower low tides (used as datum by 
the coast survey) rose .767 feet above our datum. ‘‘Mean low tide,’’ 1.867 
feet, is the average of all low and lower low tides for a year, 3.667 feet being 
the average of all tides at a point near the open sea (North point), would come 
nearest to our ordinary conception of ‘‘sea level’’ or to Uhle’s ‘‘ general tide 
level of the bay.’’ ‘‘Mean high tide,’’ 5.567 feet is the average height of the 
lower of the two daily high tides, while the higher high tide averages 7.367 feet. 
But the highest seasonal tides would rise beyond this and mark the shore line 
which according to the Pacific States Construction Company’s figures was 
somewhat over 9 feet opposite the shellmound. 


In this paper heights will be referred to in terms of elevation above 
C. P. datum, not above any tide mark. For example: the concrete road 
west of the mound is 11 feet elevation, and the top of the rails of the 
Southern Pacific tracks 14.2 feet elevation, meaning that they are 


24 Op. cit., pl. 2. 25 Op. cit., pl. 4. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 161 


11 feet and 14.2 feet respectively above C. P. datum, or 2 feet and 
5.2 feet above the very highest water. 

For horizontal locations our datum will be the ‘‘center of the 
mound’’ previously ‘tied in’ with the Southern Pacific railway 
right of way. 


HEIGHT 


The highest point of the mound in 1924 had an elevation of 38.8 
feet ; the lowest point an elevation of 4 feet. This high point, however, 
is unfortunately not the original highest point, the top having been 
more or less leveled for the dance pavilion. If the cone had continued 
its slope to a definite point it might have attained an elevation of some 
66 feet, which is not far from the height of 60 feet given by the county 
historian. This seems improbable. It is doubtful if Wiard would 
have undertaken the moving of a symmetrical cone containing some 
7000 tons. There is not sufficient trace of such a bulk of material 
having been placed elsewhere. It would seem, therefore, that the 
maximum elevation attained by the mound was about 40 feet. The 
‘*level’’ top of the mound is uneven, ranging in elevation from 36 feet 
to 38.8 feet; hereafter we consider this plateau to be level with an 
elevation of 37 feet, which becomes a datum point in considering 
burials. | 


SHAPE AND SIZE 


While the mound when first seen conveys the impression of a 
truncated cone (pl. 36) and while the 24-foot elevation to 37-foot eleva- 
tion contour lines are remarkably uniform (pl. 35), a cone-shape for 
the entire mound with a determinable basal diameter does not seem so 
easily established. Viewing the top portion we see a truncated cone 
(pl. 35). Reconstructing the middle portion (elevations 12 to 24 feet) 
from data available we can at least disclose a very irregular figure 
(fig. 2). To support these we must hypothecate an even more 
irregular base. 

The roughly circular plateau enclosed by the hedge (37 feet eleva- 
tion) may be said to have an average diameter of 145 feet. 

When we come to the next dimension we are confronted by the 
question: where is the base? Uhle?® says the mound has ‘‘a diameter 
of 270 feet at its base’’ which we determine from his map (pl. 3) to 
be about 8 feet above ‘‘shore line.’’ But a little farther on** he speaks 


26 Op. cit., 3. 27 Op. cit., 11. 


162 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


of ‘‘the base of the mound two feet below the water level’’ and from 
his plate 4 we determine the diameter to be some 354 feet at that point. 
The base might be taken as the plane where the slope of the mound at 
present definitely. rises from the slope of the plain which Uhle judged 
to be about 8 feet (probably our 17-foot elevation) above the shore line 
and which seemed to us to range from that figure down to 12 feet 
elevation. These facts, together with the fact that when the mound 
was leveled it was cut down to the 15-foot elevation line, leads us to 
denominate that contour as the base of the cone, but not the base of 
the mound. At this point the cone might be said to have a diameter 
of about 250 feet. The diameter cannot be stated exactly since grading 
work on adjacent property utterly destroyed the original contours 
which break abruptly at the fences marking the property lines (A B 
and A C, pl. 35). Our data do seem to point to the 15-foot elevation 
lines extending 100 feet farther north and possibly 800 feet farther 
east. When we drop to Uhle’s “‘two feet below the water level’’ 
(possibly our (7-foot elevation) the mass constituting the base of the 
mound must at least attain that extent. At 16 feet elevation we 
unearthed burials 135 feet northwest of the center of the mound, and 
at 11 feet elevation we found a body 310 feet southeast of the center. 
Burials were disclosed in digging tank foundations at about 15 feet 
elevation, about 175 feet north of center. All of this confirms the older 
maps and reports, which extend the shell mass some 700 feet east of our 
center. In short, it seems to the writer that all idea of a circular basal 
perimeter to finish out the truncated cone must be dropped. What the 
exact shape was must remain uncertain but that shown in figure 2 
seems as fair a guess as any. The area of the base is again a guess but 
it would appear likely that it might have been as much as 300,000 
square feet and the cubic contents as much as 150,000 cubic yards. 

To summarize: The mound when we began work on it (pl. 35) had 
been considerably distorted; we deal largely with an approximately 
conical section with diameters of 150 feet and 250 feet and a height 
of 22 feet containing, according to truck measurement as it was hauled 
away, 26,500 cubic yards; this section may not properly be projected 
into a larger cone with a circular base but is simply a portion of a very 
large and irregular mass. 


ile 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 163 


RELATION TO SEA LEVEL 


A series of twenty-two 9-inch holes sunk by us in the central portion 
of the mound established an average elevation of 6 feet for the lowest 
portion of the mound. The lowest was 4 feet elevation and the highest 
7 feet elevation. These results seem to check reasonably close with 
Uhle’s determination, which was apparently 7 feet elevation. 

This places the base about 2 feet below the point attained by the 
highest tides at present, which is construed by Uhle?* as a fact of major 
importance. He postulates therefrom a general subsidence of the area 
and a remote age for the mound. 

As we see it, however, no such inference follows: The mound rests 
upon a stratum of yellow clay stained rather dark above probably by 
seepage from the mound and gradually becoming lighter in color and 
more sandy until at about 3 feet (under the central portion) it passes 
into a stratum of gravel. A well 150 feet or so to the north of the 
center indicates that these strata of clay and sand alternate to a depth 
of 300 feet, the first gravel stratum being 17 feet thick. Holes dug to 
the west of the mound below high tide line, by the contractor in canal- 
izing Temescal creek, reveal the same clay. The surface of this clay 
would not have been absolutely even but must have presented slight 
rises or depressions which would account for the variation in our eleva- 
tions of the bottom. Larger knolls may have occurred which were 
missed in our random digging. Farther on this clay plain slopes from 
the sea upward toward the east. Both Uhle’s work and our work was 
confined to the western portion of the mass of shellmound material. 
Extending as this does 700 or 800 feet farther east it seems probable 
that the slope of the plain might carry its base a couple of feet higher 
in that distance. Now even our average base (6 feet elevation) is not 
below ‘‘sea level’’ but is just about at the level of the average high 
tide (fig. 3). It is 4 feet at least above average low tide. Granting 
that it would have been unlikely”® for the aborigines to start a shell 
heap on the wide, hard*° tide-flat exposed, it would still require but 
the slightest knoll or a very small gain from the general slope to afford 
a dry spot at all tides. Since the base is not below sea level, but only 

28 Op. cit., 11-14. 

29 H. G. Schenck, Associate in Paleontology, Leland Stanford, Jr. University, 
informs me that he has seen ‘‘Indians in Chehalis county, Washington, that 


had shell heaps on tidal flats.’’ 


30 At present, even with the sea cutting in, one can walk dry-shod a hundred 
feet or more west of the present shore line near the mouth of Temescal creek 
when the tide is out. 


164 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


below high tide level, it may be recalled that the tides do not depend 
entirely on sea level but on bottom and shore configuration as well. 
For example, from the same sea level tides rise 3.5 feet higher at Alviso 
on the southern shore of San Francisco bay than they do at North 
Point. A change in the contours off shore from the mound might well 
cause enough change in the local tide to inundate the base of the mound 
or leave the place entirely dry. The entire present base of the mound 
need not have been dry land. All that was required was a foundation, 
whether a heap of shells formed at low tide or a small dry knoll. A 
settlement started here could spread the shell heap across tide-flats at 


Elevation Tide 





Fig. 3. Longitudinal cross-sections of trenches 1 and 2 showing bottom of 
mound material. Horizontal scale is twice the vertical scale. 


low water, or into a marsh or the bay at high water. The need of pile 
dwellings in order that the foot of a mound might start below a high 
tide level seems utterly unnecessary. A shell heap once formed by 
thus ‘‘creeping’’ out into the water or a marsh from a higher nucleus 
may acquire deceptive characteristics. We dug at Emeryville during 
one of the wettest Februarys on record—and this month comes in the 
wet season and the season of highest tides. The flow of water into our 
pits was from the east and was fresh, indicating that it was due to the 
run-off from the rains. High or low tides made no perceptible differ- 
ence and after a few dry days one could work, without being unduly 
troubled by water, at an elevation of six to seven feet. During the 
dry season of more than half of the year this condition must have been 
greatly emphasized. In other words, once a shell heap has been 
formed—in or out of water—the aborigines could just as well dig 


1926 ] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 165 


pits in it for burial or residence below the water level as we could 
make dry-footed excavations to recover them. 

Finally, while it seems that the facts of the base and foundation of 
the Emeryville mound may be reasonably explained without postulat- 
ing subsidence, even if we postulate it we have little clue to age. 
General subsidence in this region is very obviously proved by San 
Francisco bay itself. But this subsidence was so remote as to have no 
bearing on the present discussion. As evidence of recent subsidence 
the shellmounds were always first cited to the author by geologists. 
Of these, the mounds at Emeryville and Stege seem at least open to 
argument. The only other mound intensively studied from this angle 
is that at Ellis landing where the base appears to be several feet below 
the spring shore line. The data then are not exhaustive. To take the 
mounds as evidence of subsidence and then subsidence as an indicator 
of the age of the mounds seems a roundabout manner of assumption. 
As far as the Emeryville mound is concerned it seems that the fact of 
geological subsidence since the mound’s base was laid down is far from 
proved and that, if granted, the conclusion to be drawn is uncertain 
since the area is specified by geologists to be one of buckling, while this 
subsidence and elevation of contiguous limited areas is believed by 
them to have taken place in quite recent times. 

Some consideration must also be given to the settling of an accu- 
mulated mass, such as the shellmound, in the silts of the bay. Where 
railway tracks were laid in the Sacramento delta region this settling 
was enormous. The substratum at Emeryville would not lead one to 
expect such settling, and Uhle decided against such a possibility. 


METHOD AND EXTENT OF WORK 


From October 17 to November 30, 1924, we watched the leveling of 
the mound by steam shovels. From January 19 to March 11, 1925, 
trenches were sunk by hand with the sole object of obtaining archaeo- 
logical data. 

In the prosecution of the leveling work scientific ends were second- 
ary, and our methods had to be adapted as far as possible to the situa- 
tion. The material was placed in trucks by steam shovels, hauled a 
short distance where it was dumped and spread by means of a Fresno 
scraper. About 750 cubic yards were handled by a shovel each eight- 
hour working day. On account of the nature of the mound no blasting 
was necessary. The shovel dug into it leaving a vertical wall about 
22 feet high somewhat obscured at its foot by a talus accumulation. 


166 Unwersity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


Traversing this wall the shovel would undercut it, caving in the top 
ten feet or so. This was done with the bottom of the dipper open so 
that the loosened material would pour through. <A single cave-in 
usually extended back 12 to 24 inches and in one traverse the shovel 
would make a cut 10 to 15 feet wide. 

This method of the contractors offered advantages as well as dis- 
advantages. The material was turned over pretty thoroughly and 
more or less exposed to view four times—in cutting from the wall, in 
dumping from shovel to truck, in dumping from truck to ground, in 
being spread by the scraper. We paid most attention to the mound 
itself but specimens were obtained in all the processes. All large 
objects were likely to be disclosed by this work and it is believed that 
the percentage of existing articles of this kind which were noted or 
recovered is high. Burials also were likely to be disclosed because the 
bones were different from the material in color and readily seen; and 
because a burial occupies so much space that it would be a rare excep- 
tion for the shovel working with dipper closed to hit it so exactly that 
no trace would be observed. On the other hand, the lower levels were 
obscured partly because of the talus and partly because the shovel 
worked here for a greater portion of the time with the dipper closed. 
Infant burials were likely to be missed because of their small size. 
Since most of the burials were turned up in the direct work and path 
of the shovel, they could not be consistently examined for articles 
which might have been interred with them, although the larger part 
of all the small articles found, except bone awls, were found associated 
with burials. No doubt, then, we missed by far the greater number 
of small artifacts.*+ 

31 Uhle found on the average 1 burial per 28 cubic yards. Our average in 
the shovel work was 1 in 40 cubic yards and in the trench work 1 in 7 cubic 
yards. Uhle’s work and our trench work was done in areas where burials were 
thought to be most numerous. Our own work in particular excludes the 
unproductive perimeter of the mound, the volume of which is included in the 
steam shovel figures. 

In the matter of artifacts comparisons are worthless since they are not 
based on the same standards. Uhle got one artifact in each 0.47 cubic yards 
of material handled. We counted, however, many bits of stone and bone 
similar to scores of pieces rejected by us. The next trouble arises from the 
uncertainty of the count. How many artifacts is a mortar with some olivella 
disc beads stuck thereon? On certain skulls such beads appeared to be inlaid. 
If one hundred are taken from a skull should one count one hundred artifacts? 
With one burial we secured over a thousand such beads. To count one thousand 
artifacts, making each bead equivalent to a mortar or charmstone, would be 
misleading. Yet if found one by one, here and there, how else could they be 
counted? From the cone we catalogued 675 entries, from the trenches 317 
entries. Counting each bead the total is over 6300 artifacts. In the trenches 
we have one artifact in each 0.74 cubic yards; in the cone, one in 39 yards. 


For the whole work we show one artifact in 4.2 cubic yards. We emphasize 
that in our opinion such average figures are misleading rather than helpful. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 167 


It was frequently impossible to minutely examine structural 
features such as pockets of ash, etc. On the other hand, the scale of 
the work, exposing as it did a series of cross-sections 22 feet high of 
the entire mound, enabled a more comprehensive view to be had of 
layers, strata, etc., than could possibly be got from a small pit or 
trench. These features appeared more fully and in a more complete 
relation to other features. Since the shovel left each wall undisturbed 
for several days there was ample opportunity to study these grander 
features of structure. Depths were noted and recorded whenever 
possible. Unless a specimen was seen in situ no depth was taken. No 
original surface finds were made. Hence everything had some depth, 
but where it was not found in place it was recorded as ‘‘surface.”’ 
Most depths had to be estimated by eye, but this was done with refer- 
ence to check points. All depths were taken from the actual surface 
of the ground. In the central portion of the mound this introduces 
an error since it is known that that portion was originally higher. 
This difference might have been three feet; but to introduce a sup- 
position as a correction seems aside from the point. True comparative 
vertical positions could be indicated by reducing depths to elevations, 
l.e., by subtracting the depth from the surface contour over the 
position. In the central portion this would be simple since the surface 
contour for all is 37 feet. 

Horizontal position has been roughly indicated by the use of areas. 
The successive cuts made by the shovel were subdivided with reference 
to the hedge around the plateau and the axis of the mound. The 
resultant areas were numbered as shown on plate 35. Each burial and 
artifact was, where possible, assigned to the area in which it was 
found. Area 1 is abnormally large partly because much of the work 
was done here before we arrived on the scene and partly because this 
portion of the mound had been previously demolished to a considerable 
extent. 

For the intensive work three trenches were dug near the center of 
the mound (pl. 35). The center line of trench 1 was 22 feet south of 
the center of the mound; of trench 2, 22 feet north; of trench 3, 13 feet 
west. Trenches 1 and 2 extended both 25 feet north and 25 feet south 
of the center of the mound and trench 3 connected them. These 
trenches were six feet wide. They were sunk with shovels only and 
the material was removed in one foot stages until the bottom of the 
mound mass was reached. This gave a depth of from 7 feet 6 inches to 
9 feet (fig. 3). The adhesiveness of the material due to dampness 
and the presence of such a large proportion of shell fragments of 


168 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


various sizes precluded sifting without the spending of more time and 
money than Uhle’s experience and our knowledge from the steam 
shovel work seemed to justify. The workmen were intelligent and 
interested, the work was done slowly, and much of the material was 
handled and examined a second time on the surface. Hence it is felt 
that a very fair percentage of existing artifacts and all burials were 
discovered.*? All burials were disinterred with the utmost care by the 
author and Mr. Loud. All finds were located by measurement of their 
distance east or west and north or south of the center of the mound. 

Depths were taken by actual measurement from the then surface 
(15 feet elevation). Hence all trench depths have been corrected by 
the addition of 22 feet and may be directly compared with the depths 
of the steam-shovel work. 


INTERNAL STRUCTURE OF THE MOUND 


The lowest stratum beneath the mound of which we have knowledge 
is a layer of gravel. Where the well is, north of the mound, this is 
17 feet thick. Above this is a stratum of yellow sandy clay which loses 
its sand and yellowness towards the top where it is blackish in color 
either from a previous vegetal growth or more likely because of stain 
from water which has seeped through the mound. This layer where 
tested by us averages about 3 feet in thickness. This thickness was 
obtained by sinking 9-inch holes with a post hole digger about 5 feet 
from one another in all three trenches. 

Above the clay comes the mass of the mound proper.** Uhle divides 
this mound mass into ten strata which he depicts.** He apparently uses 
the term ‘‘stratum’’ with its usual geological connotations, and we 
understand that he meant a layer distinguished by definite character- 


32 In note 31 the average number of cubic yards of material per burial was 
given. This was obtained by dividing the total cubic yards from the trenches 
by the total number of burials discovered. However this method is open to 
serious reservations. A burial on the average occupied a space 2 feet by 
3 feet. When an indication of a burial was noted (perhaps a bare corner of the 
2 by 3 space), it was exhumed and counted. In other words, if only burials 
lying squarely in the trenches had been counted the total number would be 
greatly reduced. It seems, therefore, that, as far as burials are concerned, 
allowing for the law of chance, an area wider than six feet was explored and 
that in figuring yardage per burial we would have to add one and a half feet 
to the trench dimensions, i.e., instead of having a trench 6 feet by 50 feet we 
would have in effect one 9 feet by 53 feet. 

33 Uhle’s excavations indicated that at the one spot where he crossed the 
perimeter of the mound there had been a silting in of clay so that the clay 
stratum is not only under the mound but forms a wedge-like tongue extending 
into its slope near the base. 


34 Op. cit. pl. 4. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 169 


istics which extended over the entire area under consideration. Taken 
in this sense our study did not indicate that the mound contained any 
strata at all.2° While Uhle’s vertical vision was complete his horizontal 
horizon was very limited and we believe that had he run a second 
trench in a different portion of the mound he would have distinguished 
a second series of ‘‘strata’’ which would not have coincided with his 
first series either in character or number. This is due to the fact that 
the construction of the mound is lenticular. The lenses vary greatly 
in size, ranging from pockets a few feet long and a few inches thick to 
layers thirty or forty feet long and several feet thick. They do not lie 
in the same plane and some of the larger layers lie contrary to the gen- 
eral contours of the mound. Certain of these lenses of homogeneous 
material may dominate a considerable portion of a wall but entirely 
disappear a few feet to either side and pinch out in front or behind. 
Hence a drawing of any given cross-section would in our opinion differ 
from any other cross-section. However, within limited areas certain 
lenses were very dominant and one of the most notable of these was the 
ealeined layer which extended over most of the northwest slope of the 
mound to a depth of 6 or 8 feet (pl. 86a). This is in the area explored 
by Uhle and helps to explain his strata. Another notable lens was in 
Areas 21, 22, 29, 30 (pl. 37a). Still another layer running parallel 
with the surface of the plateau and about 3 feet below it extended 
along the eastern part of the southerly wall of Area 8 and of Area 9 
and the western part of Area 10. This was from 2 feet 6 inches to 
5 feet thick and of a lighter color (pl. 360). Heavy wavy layers of 
clamshell marked the southerly wall of Areas 19 and 20 (pl. 37D). 
Again, in Area 19 was a heavy curved lens of clamshells with the 
coneave side up so that it formed a pocket perhaps 25 feet across. 
This pocket seemed to contain an unusual proportion of soil, This is 
in no way intended as a recital of the main structural features. They 
are simply examples cited to show the kind of features that existed. 
It is quite possible that could we have noted all the main features a 
study of their relationship might lead to something. We are unable 
to set down such features, however, and must rest with the negative 
conclusion that strata were not present. 

The presence of moisture in the mass gave a false appearance of stratifica- 


tion. Supposed planes of bedding detected by trained observers disappeared 
with the drying out of the wall. If two or three cubic yards of material were 


85 At Ellis landing Nelson, also with full views in cross-sections, found an 
absence of strata. (N.C. Nelson, The Ellis landing shellmound, present series, 
vul, 374, 1910.) But when he dug a hole six feet square in the Emeryville mound 
he found ‘‘strata.’’ (Manuscript notes.) 


170 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


allowed to pour through the dipper from a height of several feet and a clean 
cut made in the pile the wall thus obtained presented an appearance of strati- 
fication analogous to that obtained from a cut into the undisturbed mass of 
the mound. 


Both Uhle and Nelson proceed on the assumption that a lower level 
is older than a higher level no matter what its horizontal position. 
With lenticular construction only an area more or less directly under 
another area can be considered relatively older. For example, the 
top layers of Area 21 might well be older than the lower levels of 
Area 13. 

This lack of strata extending over the entire mound and the 
presence of local lenses and pockets is what we should expect, since 
they would seem to be the more natural results of human life. Human 
activity should not be expected to produce a series of essentially homo- 
geneous strata extending over the entire mound. Some of these 
pockets undoubtedly indicate fireplaces. Others seem to run contrary 
to the general contour of the mound as would be expected from depres- 
sions caused by house-pits. Still other pockets may have represented 
seasonal activities. A detailed and intensive study, which we were 
denied, might have made it possible to classify the pockets under such 
headings. The impression left on us was the strong conviction that if 
they were used as cultural indices it was just as necessary to consider 
them with reference to different horizontal areas as to different vertical 
“strata,” 


CONSTITUENTS OF THE MOUND 
METHODS OF DETERMINATION 


The main constituents of the mound are readily ascertained by field 
observation. To secure an accurate idea of their relative abundance 
would require a long series of physical and chemical analyses. Such 
have never been made and could not be made by-us on account of the 
prohibitive financial cost. E. W. Gifford in his study of the composi- 
tion of this and other California shellmounds** made some exhaustive 
analyses of the samples submitted to him and the interested reader is 
referred to that work for very comprehensive details. The present 
author must state, however, that several weeks’ observation of the 
internal structure of the mound has impressed him with the need for 
creat caution in drawing conclusions from such analyses. 


36 Composition of California Shellmounds, present series, xu, no. 1, 1916. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 171 


Where large masses of homogeneous material are dealt with, typical 
sampling is easy. In the peculiarly constructed shellmounds one 
taking samples is confronted with the practical necessity of making a 
choice. For example, Gifford states that in the samples he worked with 
‘*pockets and their contents have been purposely avoided as not being 
typical.’’ Yet the mound at Emeryville is essentially a mass of pockets, 
now of ash, sometimes of clam, or again of mussel, ete. There are 
certainly hundreds of square feet of cross-section where the pocket is 
more truly representative of the content than is the balance of the 
area. Many of Gifford’s Emeryville samples were selected by Nelson 
as being ‘‘characteristic of the stratum.’’ Further selection is 
obviously necessary when dealing with such samples as Gifford had to 
work with. A sample almost all ash he includes; one almost entirely 
stone he rejects. His average sample was about 4 ounces, hence the 
sample taker had to pass over a stone or a bone as exceptional, or have 
a sample all bone or stone. In short the samples, first in the field 
and again in the laboratory, were selected local material. Error is 
therefore likely when in analysis or in the laboratory such samples 
become the type for wide areas and the basis for broad conclusions. 
To illustrate: Gifford’s analyses are of necessity semi-physical, semi- 
chemical. Considering bone content, for example, the percentage he 
gets is what can be picked out by hand after the larger pieces have 
been left out in the field and not counting the smaller pieces that 
eannot be hand-separated. How can two mounds be accurately com- 
pared on the basis of such bone content? His percentage of ash is 
based on the chemical analysis of 5 grams. Samples taken at set dis- 
tances will still be selective and misleading unless they are of con- 
siderable volume. The 20-foot mark may come in the center of a 
3-inch lens of clam and a small sample will show a very high clam 
percentage. A shift of the point 6 inches in any direction would as 
likely as not show a large preponderance of mussel. Such small 
samples in large numbers might average up for the mound as a whole 
but would remain deceptive in comparisons of its different depths or 
horizontal areas. As intimated our next criticism is of the size of the 
samples. Nineteen samples (totaling some 6 pounds) are utterly 
inadequate for a miscellaneous mass of more than 26,500 cubic yards. 
If samples of, say, one cubic yard each, were taken on a fixed linear 
basis and all material therein carefully analyzed, first by physical 
selection and then by chemical means, a reasonably accurate estimation 
of main elements would be had. This would be tremendously expen- 
sive. Unless this is done, proportions of contents expressed in figures 


172 Unwwersity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


are too largely a statement of percentages of selection and chance; and 
a probable source of error is avoided by sticking to what at other times 
is undesirable—the use of general descriptive phrases to express 
relative quantity. Hence in this connection our statements are of a 
general nature. In suitable places Gifford’s percentages for certain 
of the constituents of the Emeryville mound are inserted for 
convenience. 

Through the kindness of Mr. Ernest C. Bolté, Inspector of the 
Division of Chemistry of the California State Department of Agri- 
culture, that department made three chemical analyses for us. The 
material for test 373 came from several points along the talus slope of 
the southerly wall of Areas 8, 9, and 10 and represented various 
horizontal areas as well as depths down to about 18 feet. Material for 
test 372 was taken at a depth of 25 feet in Area 9. Test 371 was of 
calcined material from the large deposit in Area 7. All samples were 
small in quantity. They were taken by thrusting a tubular tester 
into the mound, thus excluding all large pieces. The results obtained 
follow. Dashes in tests 372 and 371 indicate that the analyses were 
not carried out. 


TABLE 1 
CHEMICAL ANALYSIS OF SHELLMOUND MATERIAL 
Test No. 371 372 373 
Moisture, per cemt:.2ics. ciation nvces Braeden tee ee ee 1,005 243.70 8.04 
Calcium carbonate (CaCOs), per Cent.............cccccc cece 82.77 61.67 56.33 
Calcium phosphate (CasP2Og), per cent........0...0..ccccceees 3,07* -( 5.277 eran 
Magnesium carbonate (MgCOs), per cent............0..::cee 1 SS ee2 wae 1.49 
Silica (SiOg); per COMb...c.iciec.dicccessssuwser}ettsvasseueerelies Peete nn 18.45 
Oxides of iron and alumina (Fe2O3, Al2Os), per cent... cc eee 75 
Water of constitution and organic matter, per cent... ee eee 5.50 
*Phosphoric. acid; per Centi.0)..ac0 nee meee 1.41 2.43 3.41 


In addition to the above test Mr. Bolté carried out three secondary tests 
for the purpose of obtaining a comparative idea of the amount of phosphoric 
acid (a characteristic index) in animal and in human bones. All bones were 
from the mound and air dried. Test 374 was of animal bones; 375, of small 
human bones; 376, of large human bones. All were collected in approximately 
the same place—Area 8. The results show: | 


Test No. 374 375 376 
Phosphoric acid, per cent in bones................ccccseeeeeereeeeees 32.8 32.3 33.5 


In other words, the tests in the first series while indicating the presence or 
absence of bone would not enable us to state whether it was animal or human. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 173 


SHELL 


The mound was composed principally of shell. Guifford’s figures 
are 59.86 per cent and the Department of Agriculture tests indicate 
well over half. The shells were mostly those of clams (Macoma edulis 
and M. nasuta), mussels (Mytilus edulis and M. californianus), and 
oysters (Ostrea lurida). Cockleshells (Cardium corbis) were plentiful 
enough to be readily noticeable. Other shells found in much smaller 
quantities included: Purpura crispata and P. canaliculata, Cerithidea 
californica, Helix, Standella.** Still other shells were found in rare 
quantities and had apparently been treated by the former inhabitants 
in the manner of possessions. These are discussed under material 
culture. 

The most casual observation indicated that clams or mussels or 
oysters predominated in given areas with reference to either horizontal 
or vertical divisions. Our data, however, do not permit us to determine 
the relative abundance of these species in the mound as a whole. 

The clamshells are the strongest and were the least broken up. 
Indeed a very considerable percentage of entire valves appeared. 
Consequently these shells were very conspicuous, appearing in layers 
or lenses which were rendered more noticeable by their whitish color. 
Plate 38b shows portions of typical lenses. .Such deposits were seen 
throughout the mound down to a depth of 22 feet. Below in the 
trenches we did not detect any notable layer of this kind. Clamshell 
was present but it was not conspicuous in specialized deposits. 

Oyster shell layers were the next most conspicuous. Here again 
were many valves entire and perfect. These also were throughout the 
mound both above and below clam layers. There was a very definite 
deposit several inches thick at the very bottom of the western end of 
trench 2. This deposit was so free from débris attributal to human 
agency that it suggested a natural bed of oysters the existence of 
which might have been a contributing factor to original settlement 
near the site. It may be added that these shells showed no more dis- 
integration than layers higher in the mound. These deposits of clam 
and oyster shell where other shell was practically absent and there was 
only a very small percentage of soil, though bones and artifacts were 
found therein, seem to imply periods during which a given species was 
almost exclusively gathered for food. Seasonal conditions or activities 

37 All these species have been reported by previous workers. Nelson reports 


for San Francisco bay shellmounds the following additional species: Modiola sp., 
Myra arenaria, Tapes staminea, Tapes tenerrima, Acinea patuna (op. cit., 338). 


174 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


might account for such a specialization in diet. The apparent fre- 
quency of alternation makes such a theory more plausible to the author 
than one hypothecating an exhaustion and later replenishing of one 
or the other species.*® 

Mussel shells are also very abundant, but being fragile they were 
seldom found entire. Hence they seldom form such conspicuous 
deposits though they constitute a very considerable part of the mound. 


SOIL 


Soil is the second largest constituent of the mound. This is 
noticeable in three forms. 

In places layers several inches thick of pure clay such as forms the 
substratum were found. There was nothing about such layers to sug- 
gest house floors, fireplaces, or the like. Had they been of larger 
extent one might be tempted to adduce water deposition. As it is, no 
explanation of their presence can be advanced. Sand also existed in 
localized pockets though in much smaller quantities. 

The bulk of the material distinguished as soil was the fine, black 
‘*filling’’ of the mound not specifically identified. It has been stated 
that the clam and oyster layers were comparatively free of soil and in 
other layers such as ash and calcined shell soil was a minor component. 
Otherwise it filled in the interstices between the other components and 
at places formed definite layers. Near the surface the slopes showed 
the most soil as was to be expected since the plateau was not the 
original top of the mound. Considering the four directions, the east 
slope seemed to show the greatest proportion. It is presumed that soil 
was present through vegetal decay, through having been brought in 
with shellfish, through the agency of the wind, and possibly from 
decayed acorn and buckeye shells, ete. 


ROCK OR STONE 


This material was present to a considerable extent. (Gifford’s 
figure is 8 per cent.) Possibly the greater part consisted of a fine 
gravel such as is found in Temescal creek-bed or in the gravel stratum 
beneath the clay substratum. In many eases such gravel is covered 
with barnacles or sea growths which would indicate that it had been 

38 Uhle concluded that oysters predominated below and clams above. We 
have spoken of the oyster shell deposit we encountered toward the west just 
above the clay substratum. Also, we noted a large lens of clamshell near the 


top of the area where he worked. It seems, however, that his deduction is too 
broad for the mound as a whole. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 175 


brought in from the tidal flats with shellfish. A quantity of this gravel 
was collected from twenty-nine feet to thirty feet deep in trench 3. 
See sample A, table 2. Other rocks occurred in bits generally smaller 
than one’s fist and these more often than not showed signs of having 
been used as fire-stones. A number of such fragments from the upper 
portions of the trenches compose sample B, table 2. For the com- 
parison of these samples indicated in table 2 we are indebted to Dr. 
George D. Louderback. 
TABLE 2 


TYPES OF ROCK IN EMERYVILLE SHELLMOUND 
Number of pebbles 


Rock types Sample A Sample B 
Franciscan sandstones (distinctive facies)..............c:ccccecceccsceeeeee 8 8 
SO eet ee Oh B.S eos dejesiscsnpavdec lic evaisiuach batdclevidovesera 17 25 
Metamorphic rocks: 
MN Se TOM a I. ca cc gaticeahacdtsp Suxasascor oaks luiauvunwaccodgnecv sens 7 4 
SSCS CATAL Gol uo ony UR en II an OE ae I nT ee aE 1 2 
BAPE SLORY OTS Glee i. «leon tis acgtsene dase vec daqhovreu ade cele ModussBotwsags 0 8 
OUEST) NY CHET | rn 0 1 
en LE Me BP bach oo ccc sev inssua-t es andsUenadany reed tlie tahonis ieernss 1 0 
ee ee haces A ced ssuavsetlecsutohinanbabandaberk sarcuhghevbics 1 0 
Greenstone (meta-diabase and basalt) 0.00.0. ooccecccecceeteeeeees 5 2 
Per ERE OTIC LG cee = a cad se ick tah satan neraeecdaliCanseeh sua Rautlee 0 4 
See MRT UES TON, seat a Pah od cas abd ales ke <n dahinecaninesngiseaits Vupngdoavtanmiobees Ty i} 
eRe My Emme sn ee ise dots ngs ecns dss salaeansdendilaai bese snu Aubsvgeeviok 7 0 
Tertiary basalt, or basaltic andesite..............ccccceceseeeeteteeteneeeeee 16 51 
More definite andesite type................ ALO ere Pte Ponta ee Ler 3 1 
Sandstone, brown, Cretaceous or Tertiary............0.cccccceccteteeeeeee it 11 
PPC CA CCOUS BAN GEEODG, oo esies..ccsccticis sta caslsuescosstacseveseloekSesecnsens viedas ches ie 7 
ye CeCe Tee ents, Fas aN coavertvssissudtsuartrisliecinan sghieriet 55 4 
Bepreeea mee COMME IEE Gace tices 254. cds avon th aad nrapeigadaesb epielac Sop Os 3 
PME EP TCE TIO. OR cca ng Shai wackssuech uve cpr ducewl ardinnsa peg. acbeecenehionced Z 13 
CONST Vey OPORTO ER dy rg Pe a eM Pr 0 1 
“IVE A) BULA oT Glo ge eR ce eee RS fee Oe ee 1 i} 
Ret sy Ee ees ok NE Ne 8k cena yh cpeduts sano tbadde ost oack odie lamacuee 1 0 
BaP ae BE TIVES LOT oe 5. Nags ts vccooses dice dewatns 12 eacvetudatnedivectacatol Pi Au tovns coy eneose 2 0 
JSC ub 20 WE ee See a RRs cree RU Ree Sn Winx OC ee Min EA 1 0 
LENGE SETS GLENS eee ay i od Re ee Reena oP ee MeN Ip 0 2 
150 149 


Sample A refers to bag sample marked ‘‘Shellmound débris, 7-8 feet deep, 
Trench 3.’? Sample B refers to heap of pebbles separated from mound 
débris and examined in field. Determinations made by aid of lens only. 


Louderback points out that Sample A pebbles represent all the 
types of rock that occur in the Berkeley hills in the area drained by 
Temescal and Claremont creeks and that are likely to be recognized in 
ereek pebbles. He sees no evidence of selection or sorting other than 
would be done by the creeks. Sample B pebbles are about the same 


[Vol. 23 


University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn., 


176 


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1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound — 1 Aa 


although they differ somewhat in relative proportion. This may in 
part be due to a different method of selection from the mound material. 
Sample A was carefully picked out after the material reached the sur- 
face. Sample B was made up of larger bits of rock which the shovelers 
found in the course of their work.*® 

In the trench-digging an attempt was made to save out the coarser 
rock of which sample B is typical and while the results do not permit 
total content determinations they may be used in relative comparisons. 

_The data are given in table 3. No collections were made from the 
upper levels of trenches 1 and 2. Chert is listed separately and was 
all apparently unburned. 

The collecting was uneven and the determination of the burned rock 
could not be exact. Withal it would seem that the results might be 
fairly interpreted as showing that a very large percentage of the larger 
stones was brought in by man and used in connection with his fires or 
cooking. There is no correlation between depth and amount. Chert 
has been kept separate owing to the greater probability of its selection 
by man and to Uhle’s belief that it occurred in greater quantities in 
the lower portion of the mound. The data do not seem to confirm this 
belief. That such stone was at times selected is undoubted. <A cache, 
for example, was uncovered in trench 38, 29.5 feet deep, and a number 
of pieces had been used as hammerstones. The chert was generally 
of a coarse greenish or reddish variety. It is further discussed under 
‘*Material Culture—LEoliths.’’ 


VERTEBRATE REMAINS 


Besides human burials, skeletal remains of many quadrupeds, birds, 
sea mammals, and fish were found in the mound. Gifford’s percentages 
are: fish remains 0.186 per cent, other vertebrate remains 0.031 
per cent. In other words, fish remains are six times as heavy as those 
of other animals. This implies a contingent train of possibilities which 
would characterize the inhabitants. Two of the small samples, however, 
were very much out of line with the others. Omitting these, the 
average for fish becomes 0.038 per cent, or about the same as for other 
vertebrate remains. This tremendous change indicates the danger in 
dealing with this material with limited statistics. 

Aside from the question of their total proportion of the mound, it 
may be said that such remains appear in sufficient quantities to readily 
strike the eye in practically any part of the mound. Me 


39 Letter from George D. Louderback dated September 28, 1925. 


178 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


Most of these bones were in comparatively small pieces, since prac- 
tically all large bones had been broken or split, presumably for their 
marrow. Many bits of charred or burned bone were found in various 
parts. In the calcined layers all bone present had been burned and 
frequently had turned a greenish color. This color is so characteristic 
of the bones in these layers that it must be the result of a natural 
process, possibly the effect of sea water in contact with the bones as 
they were being burned. No bones were noted which gave evidence 
of having been gnawed, as might be expected were there dogs about 
camp. Nelson adds in this connection that dogs would not have been 
likely to leave so many practically entire bird bones.*® Bones of wild 
animals were generally much better preserved than human bones from 
the same location. 

While bones were scattered throughout the mound there was con- 
centration in some spots. In some cases such spots were near evidences 
of hearths. This is particularly true of fish bones and fish scales. The 
latter were seen at times in compact masses (1—26031) several inches 
thick and covering perhaps a couple of square feet. It might be 
expected that the killing of even one large animal would result in a 
concentration of its bones at a given spot. It is noteworthy, however, 
that, while the bones of a given species do seem to characterize a con- 
centration, the species may be a small animal. Spots were noted where 
gopher bones were present in relatively large quantities and the same 
was true of bird bones. 

' A great number of these bone remains were collected and turned 
over to the Museum of Vertebrate Zoology of the University where 
Miss Edna Fisher is classifying them and preparing a paper on the 
evidence which they present. Accordingly, we present herein only the 
provisional identifications and a brief statement of the points they 
suggest. 

The species represented were about the same as those reported by 
Uhle with a few exceptions. They may be listed as follows according to 
Miss Fisher’s preliminary determination. 

Sea-otter, Enhydra lutris—These bones were the most OS aish iit im 
the mound with the possible exception of deer bones. They occurred 
at all depths down to the bottom and in various parts. Obviously this 
animal was of prime importance in the economy of the inhabitants. As 
it yields one of the finest furs known it seems probable that the fur 
was used as well as the flesh. Early explorers on the Californian coast 


40 Op. cit., 339. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 179 


report otter skins as an article of dress.*t This animal is very rare 
now on the Pacific coast but was plentiful off San Francisco in early 
Spanish times.*? Its remains are too common to be accounted for by 
trade and it must have been consistently and successfully hunted 
during a great part of the mound’s history. Such hunting suggests a 
considerable cultural advance. The Indians at the mouth of the 
Columbia river approached the sea-otter by boat when it was lying 
asleep on the rocks and used a crescent-shaped paddle blade because it 
helped render the approach noiseless.*? The Eskimos hunted the sea- 
otter with boats and harpoons which were specialized for the purpose.*4 
When the first Spaniards arrived in San Francisco bay they found the 
natives using tule balsas, or cigar-shaped rafts, with great dexterity. 
It is possible that such balsas were used in hunting otter. No evidence 
of harpoons was discovered by us. 

Deer, Cervus.—Deer remains were more numerous than those of 
any other animal except the sea-otter. Their distribution was prac- 
tically universal including the lowest levels. As a source of food the 
deer apparently shared honors with the sea-otter, and was used con- 
currently with that animal. There may have been seasonal differences 
which cannot now be detected, but the aborigines all during the 
mound’s life seem to have been. able to procure land and sea-food with 
equal facility. 

Elk, Cervus canadensis.——Bones of this animal constitute the third 
most numerous class. Tule elk were exceedingly numerous in the San 
Joaquin valley and in the northern part of the bay district until recent 
times and it is likely that in early historic times they were abundant 
around the marshy shores of San Francisco bay. 

There is a big difference between the quantity of bones of the above 
three species and that of any other. No doubt this is due in part to the 
more perishable nature of the bones of smaller quadrupeds, birds, and 
fish. Hence caution is required in basing conclusions on relative fre- 
quency. The species are listed in the order of the abundance of their 
remains as observed by us. 

Fish.—Several species of fish were noted, none of which have been 
identified except the sting ray. This fish must have been a principal 


41 La Perouse and Fages as quoted by H. H. Bancroft, Native races of the 
Pacific states, I, 369, 1886. - 


42 Bancroft says 8000 otter were killed in San Francisco bay in 1809-11. 
Ibid., 383. 


43 Gabriel Franchére, Narrative of a voyage to the N. W. coast of America 
in the years 1811-14, 247, 1854. 


440, T. Mason, Rep. U. 8S. Nat. Museum, 1900, pls. 12, 16, 17. 


180 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


food supply as its remains are very common. The bones indicate that 
many small fish were taken, which suggests fishing by means of a net. 
However, only one recognized net sinker was found—whereas in West 
Berkeley and Stege these articles were plentiful. Enough probable 
fishhooks were recovered to indicate that fishing by that method was 
employed.*® 

Water-fowl.—Apparently a great variety of water-fowl were used 
as food including ducks, geese, cormorants, pelicans, waders, ete. The 
complete list, we are told, will include a great many species. This is 
very natural for the location must have been an ideal haunt for such 
fowl. During our work thousands of ducks were observed close inshore 
just off the mound, No evidence as to how they were caught was 
procured. But their remains in the mound imply, as Nelson states,*® 
that the aborigines must have lived on the mound at least during the 
season the birds frequented the bay, i.e., the winter. Bones of these 
birds were in two cases found associated with burials in unusual quanti- 
ties. One case was in the northwest perimeter, the other (12-3796) 
was in trench 2, twenty-five feet deep. Near the vertebrae of this body 
was about a pint of wing bones. In the first instance no particular 
bone seemed to predominate. 

Whale.—Whalebone was found in the trenches and at a number of 
places in the cone. A single one of these animals would account for a 
much larger deposit than any seen by us. Still it would seem that 
every now and again the inhabitants utilized one of these mammals. 
Fages reported ‘‘whales’’ (possibly black fish) in San Francisco bay 
Insli(72: 

Seal (Phoca), sea-lion (Zalophus), and porpoise (Phocaena com- 
munis) were reasonably frequent. 

The following small animals were possibly plentiful though their 
remains were fragmentary and tended to escape attention—rabbit 
(Lepus), gopher (Thomomys), raccoon (Procyon lotor), badger 
(Tazidea), skunk (Mephitis occidentalis), wild cat (Lynx). 

Uhle and Nelson also identify the ground-squirrel (Spermophilus), 
the bear (Ursus), and the wolf (Cams). Up to the time of this writing 
our material had disclosed none of these. It seéms likely that the 
squirrel will .be forthcoming. Uhle’s bear was based on one tooth 
which might have been obtained through trade, particularly since it 
had been worked into a pendant. At any rate bear remains are exceed- 


45 Nelson thought that fishing was an art ‘unknown to the early Emeryville 
residents. (Manuscript notes.) Our evidence does not support this supposition, 


46 Op. cit., 339. : 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 181 


ingly rare and since, according to Fages, bear were present in the 
vicinity, their absence in the mound is significant. While no wolf 
bones are present the genus is represented in our collection by the 
coyote. 

Both Uhle and Nelson doubtfully identify the common dog. We 
can only join in their doubt. Skeletal remains were recovered which 
might have belonged to the dog or coyote. The evidence is so uncon- 
vineing that the author feels that doubts would be much stronger were 
the dog not @ priori expected in connection with man. 

Certain new species have been provisionally identified, notably the 
mountain lion (Felis oregonensis californica), the antelope (Antzilo- 
capra), the southern bald eagle (Haliaeetus leucocephalus leucoce- 
phalus), and the condor. To find the mountain lion where the bear is 
absent is unexpected. The antelope might be anticipated. The south- 
ern bald eagle has been noted in the San Joaquin valley and was 
formerly common on the islands of the Santa Barbara channel. This 
suggests the possibility that the bones present may have been imported. 
One of the bones identified had been cut off, apparently in the process 
of forming a tube of the missing portion. 


ASHES 


_. Ash** was found in many places in small crescentic pockets. It was 
light gray in color, fine, and densely packed, and what would be 
expected from a series of wood fires. These pockets are supposed to 
have been fireplaces, and are remarkably free from all substances save 
ash. 

In addition to the pockets, ash was noted in layers. At 26 feet, 
6 inches in trench 1, under burial 12-3778, was a layer of ash a couple 
of inches thick. Under the head of 12-3782 at 27 feet, 1 inch in the 
same trench, was a layer two and one-half inches thick. At about 
25 feet, 6 inches in trench 2 was a layer extending over the entire 
western ten feet of the trench and a part of trench 3. This layer varied 
in thickness. Skeletons 12-3799, 12-3800 rested on it and a few inches 
above was a reddish line of paint, sand, and ash. Also in trench 2, 
near the eastern end covering an area wider than the trench and six 
feet or more long, at 29 feet, 1 inch, was a layer of reddish ash. Such 
layers suggest house floors, though our data are insufficient to push the 
suggestion further. 


47 Gifford’s percentage of ash was 13.47. 


182 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


In the northeastern areas of the cone, particularly on the slopes, 
were heavy layers of ash which were yellowish in color (pl. 87b). 
As has been indicated these layers were a foot and over in thickness 
and thirty or forty feet long. The ash mass seemed to be divided by 
the interposition of mound material so that three or four layers were 
indicated. In total mass these layers would be measured in cubic yards 
and to account for them is very difficult. The possibility of their being 
due to cremation is discussed on page 183. Seasonal ceremonials with 
intervening periods is the only other speculation we can advance. 

The ash deposits cited above are only typical examples. Their 
relation to one another and to other features besides the burials in the 
trenches cannot be stated. The fact that such layers were so frequently 
just below the burials suggests that the bodies were covered over and 
not placed in a dug pit. 


CALCINED MATERIAL 


Isolated instances of calcined artifacts or material were noted in 
various parts of the mound. But in the western areas was a great 
layer of calcined material that was unique (pl. 37a). This did not 
extend over the entire mound as a stratum, and in character it offered 
such a contrast to the ash layers on the east that it would seem 
impossible to connect the two even if a mass of mound material did not 
separate them. This calcined layer is mostly shell but the shell has been 
thoroughly calcined. In the shell are bone fragments which are also 
calcined and frequently have a greenish tinge. This probably is the 
basis for Uhle’s stratum of cremation. However, the analysis made by 
the State Department of Agriculture (page 172) indicates that there 
is less bone content in this calcined layer than elsewhere, and the 
chemists inform us that cremation would not destroy the value of the 
phosphorie acid index. In other words, even though a body had been 
cremated its presence would be indicated by this test. Hence if this 
was indeed an area of cremation we should expect a greater phosphoric 
acid content, whereas we have less. One test is far from conclusive 
but it is suggestive. We found no direct evidence of cremation in this 
layer and even if cremation occurred it is hard to understand why so 
many calcined shells should be present. One would rather expect ash 
layers such as those on the eastern slopes. The presence of so many 
shells suggests that their burning was connected with the preparation 
of their contents for food. 


1926] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 183 


HUMAN REMAINS 
CREMATION 


The evidence which the mound yields with reference to the practice 
of cremation is rather remarkable. With the exception of two infants 
the lowest bodies found by us were 28 feet 7 inches deep. Here was a 
mass of burned bones in a layer of heavy charcoal two inches thick and 
more. This mass formed a concave lens about seven feet in diameter. 
Portions of the skeletons had been burned entirely away while other 
bones nearer the circumference had not been touched. By these it 
was possible to distinguish with reasonable certainty seven bodies 
(12-3807-13), of which four were infants or children. About six 
inches under the mass was the thin layer of reddish ash previously 
described and possibly a house floor. Within a few inches of this was 
the clay substratum of the mound. 

This seems unquestionable evidence of cremation. It is as near the 
bottom (or beginning) of that part of the mound as it is possible to get. 
Evidently then, in the early history of the mound, cremation was 
practiced by at least one group that visited the site. 

On the other hand, in all the balance of the trench work where 
thirty-four bodies were disclosed, there was not the slightest evidence 
of cremation. Skeleton 12-8801 lay upon a very light layer of charcoal 
but no bones were burned with the exception of the right knee and 
shoulder bones which were scorched. The suggestion here seems to 
be that the body fell or was buried on the family hearth, because one 
inch below the face is a layer of fine whitish ash one and three-fourths 
inches thick. Similar layers were associated with other bodies. Suffi- 
cient fire to account for their accumulation would certainly have done 
more than scorch a few bones of a single skeleton if the purpose had 
been cremation. This case (12-8801) is unique in other respects as will 
be seen from table 6. The individual had been wounded at least four 
times and died a death of violence while defending himself, as the 
blade in the hand suggests. For such a one to have been thrown on his 
own fire with the framework of his house about him, would not seem 
unreasonable. Opposed to such a hypothesis was our observation that 
the body was flexed. It seemed to lie on its face with the knees under 
it at the chest. The posture might have been accidental, however. 


184 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


In the cone 651 bodies were noted. There was one possible case of 
eremation. In Area 32 at the 12-foot depth were found some bits of 
well-charred human bones (12-8745). In a few other cases, e.g., 
12-3598, 3715, 3721, the skull appeared slightly calcined. Even if this 
discoloration be not due to age it might very reasonably be attributed 
to accidental scorching after burial considering that burials were 
apparently shallow and of necessity near subsequent fires, or to inci- 
dental burning through the use of fire in burial rites. 

Uhle was convinced that ‘‘during the period represented by 
strata VI to VIII the dead were buried in the ground’’ but that during 
the period of the accumulation of strata II, III, and IV they were 
eremated.*® Bearing this in mind, and leaving aside our inability to 
identify his strata, we searched diligently for evidence of such crema- 
tion, but with no results. Uhle’s own evidence is indirect. First is 
the great mass of calcined material which we have described and which 
was probably his stratum II. It would also appear that cremation 
would result in heavy ash layers rather than in layers of calcined shell. 
This layer is primarily shell, and ‘‘shellfish thrown into the fire as 
food for the departed’’ seems an inadequate reason for such an accu- 
mulation. Another reason which Uhle cites for believing in cremation 
is the large percentage of calcined awls in stratum IJ. Here it seems 
to us that Uhle confuses awls with unworked bits of refuse bone which 
one might naturally expect to see burned. Our search did not result 
in many calcined bone artifacts nor in a concentration of them in a 
particular area. An amount of cremation sufficieht to account for the 
mass of this particular calcined layer would imply the burning of 
many bodies. It seems impossible that all these should have left so few 
traces that in searching for them we should find none. 

The case in Area 32 presents a few bones and considering the fires 
about the mound the writer would prefer to regard this as a case of 
accidental burning of bones sometime after burial. The evidence from 
the bottom of the mound is both direct and unmistakable. It may be 
questioned then, if the practice of cremation was known thus early in 
the mound’s history why can it not reasonably be supposed that it was 
practiced thereafter? In the first place, no direct evidence supports 
the inference. In the second place, the hypothesis that in this early 
group that practiced cremation were the ancestors of the group that 
accumulated the upper levels finds no more support than the hypo- 
thesis that the cremation represents a visit by a group from across the 
bay where cremation was practiced. 


48 Op. ctt., 22. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 185 


BURIALS 


From what has been said of cremation it will be seen that burial 
was at least the characteristic and ordinary way of disposing of the 
dead. The circumstances surrounding these burials offer the most 
suggestive evidence in the history of the mound. 


Observation and Record 


From October 21 (work began October 17) until December 1, when 
the mound was leveled, a record was kept of the burials seen. Always 
one and sometimes two observers made it a point to watch the digging 
for this purpose. Considering the general possibilities of observation, 
the efforts made to cbserve, and the results subsequently obtained in 
the trenches, it is believed that the record is a fairly accurate state- 
ment of the number of adult skeletons which were present in this cone 
of the mound at the time of its destruction. Of the upper eighteen 
feet of the mound particular certainty is felt, since here the chances 
to see everything were excellent. In the lower portions where a certain 
amount of talus material was always present it is probable that more 
burials existed than were counted. 

One important reservation must be made. In the trenches, where 
the probabilities are that all skeletal remains were noted, thirty-four 
burials were distinguished. Of these, thirteen (38 per cent) were 
babies. The implied infant mortality while high would probably not 
be unreasonable for such a group. Uhle in ten burials found three 
infants (80 per cent). Now in the cone we saw very few infant 
remains and the probabilities are that we missed them on account of 
their small size. 

Burials in the cone were recorded with reference to their horizontal 
position by placing them in one of the forty areas into which the mound 
was divided. When a skeleton was seen in position in the wall the 
depth was recorded. If it came down with a cave-in, or was first noted 
in a truck or elsewhere, it was recorded as of uncertain depth. These 
depths were eye estimates with check points to go by. In most cases 
the mere fact of the presence of a burial and its location was all the 
observer could note. Still there were many cases where it was possible 
to examine the burial with care and to complete the disinterment by 
hand. Hence evidence was secured concerning details. But since the 
majority of the burials were not thoroughly examined, the resultant 
data do not permit satisfactory comparisons between the cone and the 
trenches. 


186 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


These data pertaining to horizontal and vertical distribution in the 
cone are presented in table 4. In this table the areas have been divided 
into three groups. Group I includes the slopes and perimeter, group 
II the outer part of the plateau section, group III the more central 
section. 

In table 5 are presented all data obtained from the cone with 
relation to burial associations. 

In the trench work exact locations were recorded which together 
with burial associations and all skeletal evidence from the trenches is 
summarized in table 6. 

The work in the trenches, where we could be more thorough, is made 
the basis for the discussion of several phases that follow. At times 
the results seem to differ from those from the cone, and where these 
differences are not readily reconciled it must be emphasized that they 
may as well indicate the difference in our work as any cultural change. 


Horizontal Distribution 


The figures (table 4, last two columns at right) principally show 
that there is an increasing concentration of burials as the center of 
the cone is approached. 


To the south between the cone and Temescal creek, two burials were found 
when digging out tree stumps. (One at 160 feet from the edge of the cone, the 
other at 75 feet; both about eighteen inches deep, and both twenty-five feet 
west of the plotted east limit of the cone.) Three burials were turned up by a 
plow in the northwest perimeter. Some ten feet north of Area 12 foundations 
for a tank were dug and several burials were disclosed. East of the cone in the 
continuation of the mound the railway cut brought to light a score or more of 
skeletons. All these burials were in shell. There appears to be a fringe of 
burials on the outskirts of the present cone. 

In what is more definitely recognized as the cone, group I composes the 
periphery. This group is readily divisible into two divisions which are again 
subdivided into four directional regions. 


Number of 
Region Areas burials 
Outer periphery............ Souther. .4)..4 13, 14, 15 2 
Hasterne eas se 18, 25, 49, 39, 38 15 
Northern...) 4.000. 37, 12, 1 16 
Western ci oe 2, % “0 
33 or 5.07% 
Inner periphery............ BOUCHE. Oca 16:17, 20 
Eastern ye 34, 36, 30, 22 15 
INortherns ieee 11, 6 Ad 
Western 2 urs, 0 0 


79 or 12.13% 


1926] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 187 


8 


The percentage is of the total burials in the cone. Thus the outer periphery 
contains less than half as many burials as the inner periphery. Nearly half 
of the burials in the outer periphery are in Area 12, in which direction the 
mound extended some distance. Practically all the others were toward the 
continuation of the mound to the east. 

Group IJ, much smaller in extent, has 261 burials or 40.09 per cent of the 
totalin the cone. Lastly group III has 278 burials or 42.71 per cent of the total. 
All this shows a constantly increasing intensification of burials as the central 
region of the cone is approached. In other words, there seems to be manifest a 
disinclination to bury near the outer edges of the mound. Is this connected 
with the existence of the great layers of calcined material which were most 
conspicuous on the slope of the mound on the west, south, and northeast? 
Possibly the calcined material postulates an activity which precluded burial in 
the same region. 

From the directional regions indicated it will be seen that in each division 
of group I about 50 per cent of the burials were on the northern side of the 
mound. Group II may be similarly divided. 


Number of 
Region Area burials 
OP UL VS St 2s Na ec 19, 23, 24 91 
Be ee gsc cd Soh ese disse to eo dayraersooddvennl 31, 33, 35, 29 56 
MM APAN IU oe Ae 2, ody obysicncs teh eAicahaeds te 21, 10, 5 fet COS 
SR Tega ins. casts ech edicwtnas aneontiy osemeve 3, 8 56 


261 or 40.09% 


Here the greatest number of burials is on the southwest. Group III does not 
admit of directional division. This distribution may indicate that no particular 
side of the mound was constantly favored as a residential site, or that practices 
changed as to whether the non-residential territory was used as a graveyard, or 
whether bodies were buried near the living quarters. 


The trenches cover such a limited area that distributional data from 
them are not very convincing. Trench 1 (south) produced thirteen 
bodies; trench 2 (north), twenty-three; trench 3 (west), five. Data 
for an east-west distribution are more suggestive. Omitting trench 3 
which covers no eastern territory we find that trenches 1 and 2 yield 
twenty-three bodies from the western portion and only thirteen from 
the eastern. Of the thirteen, seven belonged to the cremated group. 
Infant burials appear to have been exceptional as will be seen later. 
Leaving them out, we have seventeen adult burials of which only one 
was east of the center of the mound. Our conclusion from this is that 
at a given time there was a tendency to concentrate burials and we 
discuss the matter further under ‘‘location of graves.’’ 


University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


188 





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The Emeryville Shellmound 


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194 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


Vertical Distribution 


Table 4 also gives the depths at which burials were found in each 
area of the cone. 

The three groups seem to be relatively similar as regards vertical 
distribution, hence, for the only inferences which the author has been 
able to draw, it is simpler to use summarized totals. 





Number of Per cent of 

Depth of burial burials total in cone 
Oto 5 feet: inclusivesy 4. ate ee 17 2.61 
6.to:10 feét Inclusive..4.. soe eee 178 27.37 
1} to:15 feet inclusive. 2523 eee 236 36. 26 
16:to 20 feet inclusives wink eee 87 13.36 
21 ito 25 feetiinclusive., oo... eee ee 31 4.75 
Uncertain. 2332 ee a ec eee ee 102 15.65 
651 100.00 


Even leaving all uncertain burials aside, considerably more than 
half of all the bodies (52.7 per cent) in the mound were located between 
six and fifteen feet, inclusive. 

These figures should perhaps be adjusted somewhat. Round num- 
bers should be more frequently used in estimates. Also the steam 
shovel did not consistently dig as low as twenty-five feet. At times it 
probably got no lower than twenty feet and it might be safer to leave 
out the twenty-one to twenty-five-foot level. Allowance also should be 
made for burials missed in the talus at about the seventeen to twenty- 
two-foot levels. The data still appear, however, to show a definite pre- 
ponderance of burials around about the ten to fifteen-foot level and a 
marked searcity in the upper levels. At Ellis landing Nelson found a 
very unequal vertical distribution and a scarcity of burials in the 
upper eight feet.* | 

Turning to the trenches we find that of twenty-one adult burials 
sixteen were between twenty-five to twenty-seven feet. Since measure- 
ments were made to the skulls only, the fact that these sixteen burials 
belong to one level is plain. 

With the exception of two infants the lowest bodies were at 28 feet 
6 inches—the cremated ones. Otherwise as far as the trench data go 
a layer of mound material at least three feet thick appears to have 
accumulated before burials were made in that portion of the mound. 
If pits were dug for graves this accumulation must have been -about 
five feet thick even with very shallow graves. This might be connected 


49 Op. cit., 381. 


@ 


1926" Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 195 


with the hypothesis that the mound, growing by creeping out over 
marsh or tide-flat, was not usable until a height of three feet or so 
above the clay base had been attained. Above this the figures seem too 
confused for interpretation although there is possibly a hint at con- 
centrations at given levels, e.g., twenty-five to twenty-seven feet in the 
trenches, then eighteen to twenty feet, then fifteen, then twelve feet, 
then ten feet. Finally, there seem to have been more bodies about the 
ten to fifteen-foot level than elsewhere; this possibility is discussed in 
connection with the problem of varying accumulation. 


Graves 


Location.—In our survey of the cone we were not able to establish 
a fixed relationship between the position of graves and such features 
as fireplaces, ash-layers, ete. 

In the trenches the association with layers of whitish ash seemed 
too definite to be accounted for by chance. This was the type of ash 
which one would expect to accumulate on a hearth or fireplace. In the 
vicinity of the cremated group (seven bodies), of the group (erght 
bodies) in the west end of trench 1, and of five of the burials in the 
west end of trench 2, appeared the thin layer of red paint, sand, ash, 
and charcoal, which might have been a house floor. If these specula- 
tions are correct, burials seem to have been made in the house and very 
close to the hearth. There is at least one apparent objection to this 
hypothesis. The bodies were more or less contiguous as would be 
expected in a graveyard or regular burial place. Of course the house 
might have caused such a concentration yet it seems extraordinary that 
so many bodies could have been so intimately associated with an 
inhabited house. On the other hand, the nature of the group—adults 
and children—would suggest the home as the explanation for their 
association in burial. 

Preparation.—It has usually been assumed that the dead were 
buried in graves which consisted of dug pits. From present-day views 
this is rational, but the evidence of the mound seems to point just as 
much the other way, that is, to the practice of placing the body on the 
surface of the ground and covering it over. Holes which had been dug 
for posts were indicated by the disturbed earth, and the purpose con- 
firmed by the charred remains of the tops of the posts. But no such 
disturbed earth could be found above a single burial. On the contrary, 
burials were found a few inches below undisturbed pockets of clamshell 
which extended considerably beyond the bodies in all directions. Such 


196 Umiversity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


pockets could not have been dug through to place a body below them 
without leaving marked evidence of the fact, e.g., 12-8778, 12-3780. 
How could many corpses rest on the ash layers if placed in dug pits? 
A pit might be dug, ashes accumulated in it, and later a body placed 
therein. In such a case the ash deposit would not be flat but would 
indicate the pit, which was never noted. In the upper San Joaquin 
valley, Gifford and the author found that burials in low earth mounds 
were usually at the highest portion of the mound. Elmer J. Dawson 
has reported the same from the Sacramento-San Joaquin delta region. 
A reasonable explanation is that the portion of the mound containing 
the burials is slightly higher because of the covered-over burials made 
there. The many cases of non-pit burials on the Pacific coast of 
America, for example, in the Aleutian islands, the laid-out burials of 
the Cascades region of the Columbia river, the covered-over burials of 
the upper Columbia river, are too well known to require detailed cita- 
tion as instances of the reasonableness of a recurrence of an analogous 
practice on the shores of San Francisco bay. 

Nelson mentions disturbed burials in the Ellis Landing mound as 
evidence of dug burials.°° Disturbed burials are so frequently reported 
in California as to be the rule rather than the exception (e.g., Heye— 
San Miguel; U. 8. Geographical Survey—Santa Barbara; Gifford— 
Tulares; numerous private ‘‘diggers’’ with stories of massacres and 
the consequent dismemberment indicated by the disturbed skeletons). 
A great deal of this disturbance must be laid to burrowing animals. 
The settling of the earth must also be a factor. A large number of the 
skulls in the Emeryville mound were cracked and flattened in, pre- 
sumably from the pressure of the material above them. However, a 
eovered-over burial would spread and indicate more disturbance upon 
the settling of the surrounding material, than would a pit burial. 

If bodies were generally buried by being covered over the attention 
would be given to the corpses rather than to the graves. At any rate 
what evidence there is suggests that scant attention was given to the 
preparation of the graves. Nelson reached the same general conclusion 
with reference to the Ellis landing mound.** Uhle in his study of 
the Emeryville mound gives some rather elaborate details®? which were 
noted by the present author but given a much more limited significance 
than Uhle implies. For example, Uhle says a ‘‘layer of charcoal from 
one-half to an inch thick is found at the very bottom’’ of graves. An 
association of charcoal and burials was noted in the cone. In the 


50 Op. cit., 383. 51 Op. cit., 383. 52 Op. cit., 24. 


1926]. Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 197 


trenches it also appears. For example, charred pieces of what appeared 
to have been a large timber were under the head of 12-3784, under the 
feet of 12-3787, and in the general vicinity. Again a thin charcoal 
layer was under part of 12-3801. But it seems more reasonable to 
account for this charcoal in some other way than as a layer spread in a 
grave. It should also be remembered that similar layers could be 
observed, particularly in the mussel shell deposits, where there were no 
burials nearby. Above the layer of charcoal Uhle found ‘‘ another layer 
of like thickness of iron oxide.’’ In a number of cases we observed 
layers of iron oxide though not necessarily superimposed on a charcoal 
deposit. In other cases red or yellow ‘‘paint’’ in chunks was associated 
with a skeleton. In many others the bones had a reddish tinge. Our 
conclusion is that while red ‘‘paint’’ was frequently used in the 
preparation of a body for burial, and a supply sometimes buried with 
a person, there is no evidence that it was used in the preparation 
of graves. - 

Here and there, immediately under a skeleton, there seemed to exist 
an unusually large proportion of small stream gravel such as may be 
found in the neighboring Temescal creek. In possibly six cases 
evidences of decayed wood or mats that might have lined a grave or 
covered a body were seen. 


Bodies 


Position.—Practically all bodies had been flexed before burial, 1.e., 
placed in the general position of knees to chest and heels to buttocks. 
A very few may have been extended. These few are so doubtful that 
it is probably safe to say that flexed burials were the universal rule 
throughout all levels and areas in the mound. 

For the bodies in the cone no statistical data were obtained as to 
position of the body. Bodies were noted lying on the back and on 
either side and apparently with the heads in various directions. This 
agrees with what Nelson found at Ellis landing. In the trenches our 
evidence is more suggestive. Of the forty bodies disclosed the seven 
cremated bodies and the thirteen infant bodies are omitted. About an 
equal number of bodies (see table 6) were placed on each side, i.e., 


Right side, 6; left side, 7; face, 5; back, 1; (?) 1. 
It is more than likely that settling and movements consequent upon 


decomposition make determination of the original position uncertain 
and that at least some of our ‘‘face’’ and ‘‘back’’ burials were origin- 


198 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


ally on the side. Presumably the even favoring of the two sides is only 
chance, although if data were available it would be interesting to 
correlate it with sex.*® 

These trench burials with reference to the direction of the skull 
may be summarized thus: 

West, 11; northwest, 4; southwest, 2; northeast, 1; (?) 2. : 
In other words, over 94 per cent of the identifiable cases lay in a 
westerly direction. This seems too uniform a practice to be explained 
except by intention, and it is possible that the ordinary practice was to 
place the corpse with its head toward the sea, i.e., westerly. Heye 
found this true at San Micuel. 

Preparation.—As far as evidence exists the preparation of the body 
for burial seems to have consisted of adorning it with red paint and 
with finery, although, this was not done for all. Many bodies in the 
cone, in the trenches more than half, showed no signs of red paint. In 
some cases the paint must have been spread on very profusely for the 
bones are heavily covered. At other times there is a mere trace. The 
variation may indicate a difference in social status. 

The same remarks seem to apply to adornment. Body 12-3781 was 
entirely unaccompanied, whereas 12-3784 had abalone pendants on 
chest and head, and other ornaments. Body 12-3789 was adorned with 
necklace, bracelet, leg bands, ete. Other examples (see table 6) sug- 
gest garments or head coverings ornamented with shell. Such cases 
seem to indicate that the corpse was dressed as it might have been on 
ceremonial occasions in life. Presumably such ornaments were not 
especially prepared for burial purposes but were those ordinarily used 
for adornment in life. Hence their profusion or lack thereof would 
represent the relative wealth of the possessor. There is another infer- 
ence from this preparation. In the upper levels the eyes and (or) face 
were frequently covered with abalone ornaments. And the finding of 
olivella beads inside the jaw, apparently in the ears, and abalone dises 
over the eyes, mouth, and in the crotch suggests the practice of covering 
the openings of the body with such shell ornaments. 


53 Uhle states. (op. cit., 24) that ‘‘the corpse is usually laid upon the right 
side, generally facing northeast.’’ This would appear to orient the skull south- 
west. However, the details which Uhle gives for his six adult burials do not 
seem to bear out his general statement. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 199 


Burial Methods 


Associations —Closely connected with the preparation of the body 
must have been the association with the corpse in burial of various 
artifacts. The principal associations noted in the cone are listed in 
table 5, while table 6 gives the associations in the trenches. It must 
be emphasized that table 5 is by no means a list of all the burials in 
the cone that had associated artifacts, and, on the other hand, that a 
great many burials, perhaps the large majority, were utterly without 
associations. The implication is strong that different associations 
represent a difference in social status. 

Three questions present themselves. What kind of objects were 
associated with burials? Does the complexity of association and the 
type of object change in the upper levels? The last question is dealt 
with under material culture. In considering the others it seems that 
olivella beads, abalone pieces, and paint should be omitted since they 
represent personal adornment as distinguished from other possessions. 

In the trenches some of the cases listed in table 6 are doubtful 
associations, e.g., the flesher with 12-3778 was two feet away. Of the 
remaining cases, 12—3800—-01 and probably 12-8791 do not represent 
burial associations but rather weapons which could not be removed. 
It should be noted that in all these cases ornaments were also missing. 
There are then four burials (12-3778-79, 3785, 3815) each with one 
bone artifact in association. In addition 12-8815 had a small obsidian 
unworked chip near it. The pestle in the ash under the head of 12-8795 
is doubtful of association; the flint point more likely. Body 12-3784 
had an inverted mortar in the chest region while 12-3817 had one 
mortar inverted over the head and another over the pelvic bones. 
Finally, 12-8796 was accompanied by many bird-wing bones. 

As will be seen under material culture the number, variety, and 
quality of objects recovered from the trenches makes the above first 
five cases of association seem peculiar. Why bury such insignificant 
objects with the dead when more valuable ones were possessed? More- 
over, in none of these cases was an ornament present. Considering 
these things in connection with the hypothesis that these bodies were 
buried in or near the house it seems reasonable to expect from the laws 
of chance some artifacts near bodies as well as elsewhere. These 
associations then would be accidental not intentional. 

The association of the mortars with bodies is discussed later. In 
both cases the body showed other evidences of care in its burial. 


200 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


The case of the bird bones appeared to be an undoubted case of 
burial association. Yet those are not artifacts nor do they appear 
valuable. Neither ornaments nor other artifacts were with this burial. 
In the northwest perimeter with 12-3769B were also found many bird 
bones. This last burial was at the fourteen-foot elevation and as 
12-3796 was at the twelve-foot elevation it is possible that they are 
of the same era, though the latter was under the cone. Whether the 
bones were put into the grave as bones or as wings, whether they were 
raw material, or intended for food, or were proofs of skill as a hunter, 
cannot be stated. It does seem probable that they are related to the 
instances where a number of similar articles were associated with a 
body. For example: 

8 whistles at 12 feet in Area 6; 5 open-sea clam shells at 12 feet in Area 19; 
9 whistles at 15 feet in Area 10; 40 sting ray barbs at 15 feet in Area 10; 5 
whistles, 3 pipes at 16 feet in Area 31; 2 plummet-like stones at 16 feet in 


Area 33; 2 plummet-like stones at 20 feet in Area 10; 6 bone tubes at ? feet 
in Area 20; 9 plummet-like stones at ? feet in Area (?). 


A group of obsidian points was also secured by other diggers. These 
instances seem to indicate some form of specialization but whether of 
manufacture, use, or ownership seems indeterminable. The bone 
tubes suggest manufacture; the whistles, use; the pipes, ownership. 

Turning to the cone, table 5, we find the lowest recorded burial 
associations (20 feet) comparatively elaborate. The one in Area 20 
was particularly so. Paint was abundant. The wrappings had been 
heavy. Some wooden material had been present, a quartz crystal, 
a mica pendant, and an unusual piece of mineral or mineralized wood 
were found in addition to ornaments. At this depth were plummet-like 
stones. At seventeen feet we meet the first pipes; at sixteen feet the 
first whistles. (Whistles were found in the trenches, but not in 
burials.) Thus far it might appear that a case of increasing complexity 
of culture was being made out as we approached the upper levels. The 
doubtful nature of such a conclusion will be more apparent by consid- 
ering the various articles of material culture. The question of increas- 
ing complexity of burial associations is even more doubtful. Espe- 
cially do the upper ten to eleven feet of the mound appear to be as 
simple as the lower ten feet. 

Olivella beads and abalone ornaments were associated with burials 
throughout, and very few were found that were not thus associated. 
Bone articles were more definitely associated in the middle levels. 
Throughout more bone articles were found not in association than in 
association. Obsidian found throughout seems more definitely a burial 


1926] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 201 


association above sixteen feet. Other articles are of such sporadic 
occurrence that comparisons seem useless. On the whole, however, 
it might be said that burial association seems somewhat more elaborate 
in the middle portions of the mound. But any conclusions which might 
be drawn seem vitiated by the fact that equivalent or greater differ- 
ences might be found by comparing horizontal areas. This is not 
done because what was found was dependent not only on what was 
present but also on whether or not the steam shovel gave us an 
opportunity to recover it. 

A few special association traits may be noted. In the trenches were 
two instances and in the cone a considerable number where a mortar 
had been inverted over a portion of the body, or where a portion of 
the body had been placed in a mortar. These were usually type IV 
mortars. Such burials seem to have been particularly numerous in 
Areas 8 and 19. In other Areas, notably 5 and 10, were a great num- 
ber of ‘‘killed’’ mortars of porous basalt. These were also associated 
with burials but never contained bones. As far as the evidence goes 
this is a case of horizontal rather than vertical distribution. 

The ‘‘killing’’ or breaking of objects associated with burials was 
noted with other articles than mortars. The nine beautifully shaped 
plummet-like stones found with a burial had all been broken, though 
so many of the pieces were present that rather complete restoration 
could be made from the fragments recovered. Several of the whistle 
groups suggested deliberate breaking, but it is here difficult to be cer- 
tain. No evidence of the ‘‘killing’’ of objects appeared in the lower 
levels, and no ‘‘killed’’ ornaments were found. 

Infant burials—Infants or young children seem to have been 
treated differently from adults. In the cone very few infants were 
found and most of these were closely associated with adults. Very 
likely the others were missed. In the trenches no infants were found 
associated with adults. In fact, it looks as though they had been 
deliberately buried in quite distinct locations. In trench 1 were three 
infants, all well to the east of other burials. Two of these were the 
deepest burials found (28 feet 10 inches and 31 feet). None showed 
ornamentation, but an awl was near one. In trench 2 were nine infants 
(the cremation group excepted). Three of these were well to the east 
of the adult group. -These three were close to one another and all bore 
signs of comparatively elaborate preparation, much more than many 
adults. The other six were interspersed with the adults but none of 
them was accompanied by an artifact. No infants were in trench 3. 
Our conclusion is that infants were treated with less consideration 


202 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


than adults both with reference to preparation for burial and to choice 
of burial place. Uhle’s four infant burials were not grouped. Two were 
without an artifact ; but the other two were his most elaborate burials. 

The three infants in trench 2 placed close together and all elabo- 
rately prepared (12—3792-93-94) may be presumed to have belonged 
to the same household, one that was of more than usual importance. 
The artifacts with them could not have been self-acquired and were 
apparently definitely adapted to the infants in the form of garments. 
Such a case may simply represent unusual parental care but there 
seems also a hint of importance of family. 

Group burials—From seventeen feet to twenty-five feet west of 
center in trench 1 were seven bodies (12—3781—82—83-84-87-89-91 at 
about the same depth, touching one another in some eases, closely 
associated with the same object, e.g., charred timber, in others. It has 
been postulated from the ash layers and possible red floor lines that 
these burials are those of a single group made in or about the group’s 
dwelling place. One of the bodies was elaborately adorned, another 
well adorned and associated with it a mortar, a third had an obsidian 
point, a fourth an olivella bead, and the other three nothing at all 
(see table 6). Such differences might represent those of a family. On 
the other hand, the even depths of the burials, the fact that one has 
not broken into another, the charred timber, and the variety of the 
burials suggest an identical or nearly contemporaneous interment. 

The group in trench 2 was somewhat more scattered (12-3798 to 
12-3802). They extended from 15 feet 4 inches to 23 feet 6 inches 
west of center. Here we had a juvenile skeleton very much disturbed 
and scattered, and an infant, both near a charred elk antler; another 
juvenile; a probable male of about forty with an obsidian point in his 
back; an adult male with a number of obsidian points embedded in 
him; an adult of forty-five with no artifacts. Ash layers were under 
these bodies and chareoal was evident. 'The absence of ornaments 
from all bodies but the presence of artifacts in the vicinity suggests a 
hasty burial. This may represent a contemporaneous burial by a group 
living on the mound in which event the inclusion of two men slain in 
fighting would not be remarkable. The most persistent reconstruction, 
however, is of a family group surprised and slain in its own house, one 
of the men at least making a desperate resistance and being wounded 
five or more times before being overcome, when he fell upon his own 
hearth and was partly burned. In such an event we must presume 
that before the bodies could be disturbed by animals friends returned, 
flexed at least some of the bodies, and covered them over. 


1926)... Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 203 


This indication of violent death on a scale which suggests an out- 
side group is interesting since it implies visits of groups from other 
places bringing with them different customs and objects of material 
culture. 

The seven bodies in the cremated group (12-8807-13) suggest an 
intrusive custom on the one hand, and on the other, seasonal or group 
disposition of the dead as mentioned for the group in trench 1. These 
seven bodies burned at the same time would represent the deaths in a 
sroup of, say, 100 over a period of some months. Can this mean that 
groups visited the mound and disposed at one time all those who died 
during such a visit? 


SKELETAL EVIDENCE 
Preservation 
The condition of the bones varied greatly. Some were firm and 
sound; others in such condition that they crumbled on being handled. 
Condition was apparently independent of location and age. Bones 
found near the bottom of the mound were at times in better shape 
than those from near the top. Similar differences existed with refer- 
ence to horizontal distribution. Perhaps on the whole the bones from 
the trenches were in worse shape than those above. At any rate in 
the trenches every skull was cracked and many of them had been 
pressed quite flat. Bird and animal bones were much better pre- 
served than human bones from the same location. In general, the 
poor condition of the bones makes it impossible to secure desired 
skeletal data. 
Age and Sex 


From the skeletal material collected from the cone Gifford and 
Loud have been able to make sixty-seven sex and age determinations 
using the skull and teeth as indicators. The results are given in 
table 7. 


TABLE 7 
AGE AND SEX OF DETERMINABLE SKELETAL REMAINS 
Male Female Total 
Per cent Per cent Per cent 
Age Number _ oof males Number of females Number of all 
40 years or less........ 3 6.4 2 10 5 7.4 
MN COL Beto clues: 4 8.5 7 35 De 16.4 
CMPEV GAT Ben c.scesticcescesss 13 2h 6 30 19 28.4 
DOE GEIB, oot. 11 23.4 2 10 13 19.4 
BO VCOPA LK 6.0) bx sicecas. 16 34.0 3 grag ae 28.4 
47 100 20 100 67 100. 


No skulls were obtained from the trenches, but thirteen out of thirty- 
four burials were infants (38 per cent). 


204 Uniwwersity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


_ It would seem that we missed many infants in the cone. Yet even 
allowing for such oversight, the proportion of infants is unreasonably 
small. Moreover, in the trenches only two bodies were noted between 
the very young infants and the age when wisdom teeth are cut. This 
age 1s even more scantily represented in the cone. At Ellis landing 
Nelson noted the same disproportion and suggests, to account for the 
fact, a low death rate among adolescents or the possibility that only 
the old and infirm lived permanently on the mound.** Reverting to 
our table we find that 92 per cent were forty-five years old or older. 
There are serious objections to placing too much weight on the conclu- 
sion suggested by this large percentage. Six hundred and eighty-five 
burials were noted but only sixty-seven (9.8 per cent) are included in 
the table. An inclusion of all burials might—probably would—change 
the proportions since the skulls examined were those which were firm 
enough to withstand the rough treatment of the steam shovel. The 
skulls of young people would be more likely to have collapsed. In 
using the teeth as a criterion without a known standard one is more 
likely to place the age too high than too low. If Nelson is right we 
have an indication of non-continuous residence on the mound; but we 
feel that such a segregation was unlikely and that a full determination 
of ages would reveal a more nearly normal proportion of middle-age 
deaths. It will be noted later in this paper that we follow Nelson in 
assuming an average life to be 33 years. If this figure should be 
changed to accord with the present data our results based thereon 
would be rendered all the more reasonable. 

Some 70 per cent of the determined bodies were males. The low 
percentage of females may be accounted for by the greater fragility of 
their bones as mentioned above. In fact, this disparity between the 
sexes leads one to doubt the data rather than to speculate on an 
explanation. A tendeney toward earlier death is noted among the 
females. But on Nelson’s hypothesis physical disability, not number 
of years, would be the basis for a division of the population on or off 
the mound, and we are left without a cause for the disparity in sexes. 


Crana 


Such cranial measurements as could be procured have been pre- 
sented by E. W. Gifford.®’> Mr. Gifford informs me that the cranial 
type is the typical California type and that there is nothing about them 


54 Op. cit., 382. 
55 Californian Anthropometry, present series, XXII, 370-373, 1926. 


1926 }- Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 205 


to indicate a change between the higher and lower portions of the 
mound. It seems possible that a prolonged study might indicate 
physical similarities with inhabitants of adjacent territories. The 
present author cannot conceive a ‘‘shellmound people’’ and physical 
affiliations might help to explain the seeming variations in material 
culture. 


Pathological Data 


Very few unusual or diseased bones were noted. Body 12-3801 
had the left tibia and fibula pathologically united at the ankle, prob- 
ably the result of a break. A body in the northwest perimeter had a 
pathological elbow. Number 12-3604 had an unusually large jaw 
apparently due to the teeth not having been properly cut. Number 
12-3640 had indentations in the forehead suggestive of fractured 
bones’ healing and leaving pits. A skull with a rare, diamond- 
shaped suture formation was also seen. 


STATISTICAL SUGGESTIONS 
Varying Rate of Accumulation 


Whether or not specialists produce illuminating data from the 
examination of these human remains, their mere number and location 
is one of the most definite forms of evidence the shellmound yields. 
It has been assumed that the shellmounds are accumulations of human 
refuse and that the population responsible for the accumulating is 
buried therein. To be exact the current population would have to be 
added. The data on vertical distribution have shown that half of the 
population of the cone was concentrated in some six feet of the cone. 
How then could the other half of the population pile up the fifteen 
feet or so of the balance of the cone? 

A similar varying rate of accumulation per burial is seen when 
different mounds are considered. Data secured by three investigators 
may be tabulated as follows: 


TABLE 8 
MATERIAL PER BURIAL IN VARIOUS MouNDS 
Quantity of 

mound Total burials Cubic feet 

material note per burial 
SUAS SVS sea. Se ne eae ee er 7,000 10 700 
Nelson, Ellis landing, graded portion.............. 67,500 140 482 
Nelson, Ellis landing, trench.............0.0.0.00000... 5,500 16 343 
Nelson, Ellis landing, shaft...........0.00.0000006 560 4 140 
Schenck, Emeryville, cone.................000c0ccce 715,500 ° 651 1,100 


Schenck, Emeryville, trenches.......................... 7,038 41 174 


206 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


For the closer work the figures require correction. It has been 
seen that entire areas in the cone yielded no burials but must have been 
accumulated by those buried nearer the center. Hence comparisons 
can be made only with data which include perimeter areas as well as 
central areas of the mound, in other words, Nelson’s scraper work and 
our steam-shovel work. In both these cases infant burials are prac- 
tically eliminated. It seems fair to conclude that the same errors of 
observation would have existed in both cases. With these reservations, 
a comparison shows that Ellis landing accumulated at the rate of 482 
cubic feet per burial and Emeryville at the rate of 1100 cubic feet per 
burial. Three explanations suggest themselves for this varying rate 
of accumulation: cremation, change of food habits, and non-continuous 
residence. 


Cremation 


If some of those who accumulated, lived, and died on the mounds 
“were cremated the present problem would break down. But neither 
Nelson nor the author found sufficient evidences of cremation to justify 
the conclusion that cremation existed to any appreciable extent. 


Change of Food Habits 


Shellmound constituents have been used by investigators as indices 
of the diet of shellmound residents. Because of the difficulty of 
accurately determining these constituents such evidence cannot be 
leaned upon too heavily, but its general indications seem strong enough 
to support the limited conclusions arrived at under this heading. 

Suppose one group of shellmound dwellers were to subsist upon a 
diet of 90 per cent acorns and 10 per cent shellfish and an equal group 
on 30 per cent acorns and 70 per cent shellfish. Suppose, further, that 
the non-shellfish diet leaves little or no trace. It has been suggested 
that in such a case two similar mounds might result, but this does not 
seem possible. If shells are being cast aside in one place, say, seven 
times as fast as in another, heaps of different types must be formed. 
The layers or lenses of shell produced should differ since the same 
amount of natural and human wear and tear would each day impress 
itself upon vastly different masses. More important, the proportions 
of the constituents of the mounds would differ. In other words, the 
ash from daily fires, wind-blown dust, mud tracked in, and all other 
natural or human non-dietary accumulations would be roughly the 
same in both mounds each day although in one case they would be 


1926 | ° Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 207 


associated with seven times as much shell as in the other. Finally, 
human skeletons are an essential feature of these mounds. If a man 
lived upon a 90 per cent acorn—10 per cent shellfish diet he would leave 
behind him when he died a smaller accumulation than if his diet had 
been 30 per cent acorns and 70 per cent shellfish. These considerations 
lead us to the following generalizations: The greater the proportion of 
Shell the more rapidly was the mound accumulated, and the larger 
should be the mass of material accumulated for each body buried 
therein. 

Turning to two cases for which data are in hand we note from 
Gifford’s analyses that the average shell content at Ellis landing was 
69.43 per cent, while at Emeryville it was 59.86 per cent. Since, then, 
shellfish made up a larger part of the diet at Ellis landing than at 
Emeryville, the former mound should show a greater volume of mound 
accumulation per capita, whereas the contrary is true. The mere 
existence of the mounds predicates that we are dealing with a diet 
largely of shellfish and the shell-content figures show that at Ellis 
landing a greater proportion of shellfish was eaten than at Emeryville. 
It would require then the assumption of an impossible reduction in the 
daily shellfish consumption at Emeryville in order to harmonize the 
per capita accumulation. | 


Non-continuous Residence 


In the above discussion we have followed our predecessors who have 
assumed that a given mound was a place of continuous residence. If 
we drop this assumption it is easier to explain the varying rates of 
accumulation for, if a group lived on a mound only part of the year, it 
might live on that mound a longer time each year than some other 
group upon another mound, and varying ideas as to burial in the shell- 
mound site or the residential site for the balance of the year would 
make it unreasonable to assume that all those responsible for the 
accumulation of a mound were buried therein. This would explain 
not only why different mounds showed different rates of accumulation 
per burial but also the variations noted in the different levels of the 
same mound. 

If residence on the mounds is established as non-continuous or 
seasonal, as seems probable, not only are we assisted in considering the 
habits of the aborigines, but we also have an important factor in deter- 
mining the age of the mounds themselves. The skeletal evidence is as 
concrete as anything we have bearing on the subject and so the question 
is pursued farther. 


208 Uniwersity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


Thus far no notice has been taken of three unknown factors which 
must be assumed, 1e., the current population of a given mound, the 
average human life, and the daily rate of accumulation of mound 
material. 


Current Population 


From house pits discernible, Nelson supposes the current population 
at Ellis landing was 100.°° Gifford assumed that the same population 
inhabited Emeryville.** This figure seems as reasonable as any which 
it is possible to obtain. 


Average Infe 


Nelson estimates the average life at 33 years.°* Since we are leaving 
infants out of consideration and few children are found among the 
burials it is possible that this is too low. It is howecer essentially 
correct. If the figures given by us on page 203 are more nearly cor- 
rect, the reasonableness of the views advanced below is enhanced. 


Rate of Accumulation 


Nelson decides that a person will accumulate 0.01 cubic feet of 
mound material per day,°® in which Gifford aequiesces. The skeletal 
data and accepted assumptions may be applied to this figure. 

If one person accumulates at the rate of 3.65 cubic feet per year 
and lives continuously on the mound to be 33 years old, then the 140 
lives represented at Ellis landing would accumulate 16,863 cubic feet ; 
and the 651 lives represented at Emeryville would accumulate 78,412 
eubie feet. But at Ellis landing the portion of the mound actually 
containing the bodies amounted to 67,500 cubic feet, and at Emeryville 
to 715,000 cubic feet. This leaves some three-quarters of the Ellis 
landing mound and nine-tenths of the Emeryville mound to be, 
accounted for. 

From another angle, if a person accumulates 3.65 cubie feet per 
year, then the average life of the 140 accumulating the 67,500 cubic 
feet at Ellis landing would have to be 151 years; and of the 651 accu- 
mulating the 715,500 cubie feet at Emeryville it would have to be 
309 years. 


56 Op. cit., 346. 58 Op. cit., 381. 
57 Op. cit., 13. 59 Op. cit., 346. 


1926] . Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 209 


The rate of accumulation seems much too low. Further, it is 
obvious that an adjustment which would fit one case would not fit the 
other so long as continuous residence is assumed. With an adult 
population, an annual death rate of 3 per cent would appear to be a 
maximum. The Emeryville cone with 1100 cubic feet of material to 
each body is again a maximum. Now, with continuous residence and a 
3 per cent death rate, the 651 Emeryville bodies would indicate an 
ultimate population of 21,700 persons. Since the bulk of the cone is 
715,500 cubie feet, each man each year must have accumulated 32.9 
cubie feet. ; 

Or, if residence on the mound was continuous then the bodies in 
the mound plus the current population must account for its accumula- 
tion. The current population on account of its smallness and the 
probable term of years involved may be ignored without essential error. 
Then at Emeryville, since one body represents a mass of 1100 cubie 
feet and its average life is 33 years, the rate of accumulation would be 
33.3 eubie feet; which checks closely enough with the estimate from 
different factors (32.9). The corresponding figures for Ellis landing 
are 14.4 and 14.6 cubic feet, about four times Nelson’s estimate. 

Is a rate of 33.3 cubic feet per year possible? Gifford established 
the specific gravity of shellmound material as 1.8, or 81 pounds per 
eubie foot.®° His percentage of shell content varied from 69.43 per cent 
at Ellis landing to 59.86 per cent at Emeryville with 55.59 per cent as 
an average for San Francisco bay mounds. Again, to be on the maxi- 
mum side, let us allow 65 per cent. Then each cubic foot of mound 
material contains 52.65 pounds of shell; and the 33.3 cubic feet accu- 
mulated per year means that one adult would accumulate 1753 pounds 
of shell per year or 4.8 pounds per diem. According to the present 
weight of the shells of similar oysters and clams this would mean a 
daily ration of 75 clams or 250 oysters. These oysters are tiny and a 
modern man would think nothing of consuming 30 or so of them a day 
as cocktails in addition to his regular meals. The clams also are small. 
To the author there seems nothing improbable in an aborigine’s eating 
the requisite number. From the point of view of food values 75 of 
these clams or 250 of the oysters (uncooked) would have a food value 
of from 600-1000 calories*t whereas a reasonably active man requires 
from 3000 to 4000 calories daily.®* Nelson treats clams and oysters 
as equivalent, but this does not seem to be the case. No matter how 


60 Op. cit., 12. 61 M.S. Rose, Feeding the Family, 343, 1918. 
62 Tbid., 54. 


210 Unwersity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


under-nourished the shellmound population may have been, 50 tiny 
oysters daily per man would not have been nearly enough to support 
life, | 

In judging how many shellfish might be eaten, it is:well to consider 
how they were prepared. Abbott in writing of the shellmounds of the 
Atlantic coast says that oysters and mussels were prepared in large 
quantities for winter use, ‘‘probably being dried and ground in 
mortars.’’®* Strong, an educated observer long resident on the lower 
Columbia river, states ‘‘the Indians near the Coast made trips to the 
ocean for clams. These later were dried and smoked and so cured.’”** 
Such citations seem to indicate a widespread custom of drying shell- 
fish, and, when considered with well-known similar aboriginal practices 
with other food-stuffs, suggest the reasonable possibility that shellfish 
were so treated on San Francisco bay. When dried and pulverized the 
inadequacy of 50 tiny oysters as a daily ration becomes more striking. 

Summarizing, our conclusion is that a daily ration may be assumed 
which will check with the burials seen in the mound material handled, 
and with the maximum rate of accumulation necessitated by them. 

The point may be advanced that if residence on the mounds was 
non-continuous, a greater daily rate of accumulation would be 
required. This does not seem necessary, for if residence was non- 
continuous a‘population would be engaged in eating which would not 
be reflected entirely by the burials in the mound. Further, if shell- 
fish gathering was of a seasonal nature, it may be presumed that during 
the visits to the mound this work was intensive and that the shells 
resulting from a visit represented not only consumption but food 
prepared and carried away to be eaten later. | 


Time of Accumulation 


Having assumed a current population of 100 and a possible maxi- 
mum accumulation at the rate of 33.3 cubic feet per year per person, 
a simple calculation determines that it would have taken but 215 years 
for the mass of the cone (715,500 cubic feet) to be accumulated. 

But under this cone was an additional volume of perhaps 400,000 
cubic feet, and there was shell to the north and on the perimeter, say 
315,500 cubic feet. Thus the volume is doubled to 1,431,000 cubic 
feet, and, other conditions remaining unchanged, the time of accumu- 
lation would be increased to 430 years. 


63 C. OC. Abbott, Primitive Industry, 149, 1881. 
64 Thomas Nelson Strong, Cathlamet on the Columbia (1906). 


1926] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 211 


Now in the earlier part of this paper the opinion was expressed 
that this cone was simply part of a mound covering a much larger 
area and containing perhaps 150,000 cubic yards in its base. On this 
base were at least two cones, so that as a maximum highly speculative 
figure it might be said that the total shellmound mass at Emeryville 
was as much as 6,000,000 cubic feet. It would take about 1800 years 
for a population of 100 to accumulate this. However, since the size of 
such a site is more than double that considered as the cone and since 
at least two cones are present, a larger population, say at least 200, 
seems more than probable. In short, 1000 years would appear to be 
the greatest possible period allowable for the time of accumulation of 
all shellmound material on the Emeryville site. 


From 245,000 cubic feet in sight, Nelson estimates the entire Ellis Landing 
mound at 1,260,000 cubic feet. Proportioning the 160 observed burials in the 
72,000 cubic feet of material handled, he decided that there should be 3000 
bodies in the mound. Then dividing this estimated mass (1,260,000) by the 
assumed current population (100) multiplied by the estimate rate of accumula- 
tion (3.65 per person for year) he determines the time of accumulation of the 
mound as 3500 years.65 However, other of his factors may be applied. With a 
current population of 100, an annual death rate of 3 per cent, and 3000 bodies 
in the mound, it would have taken but 1000 years for these bodies and the 
mass enclosing them to be accumulated. Or, since each life represented accounts 
for 482 cubic feet, and the average life was 23 years, the annual rate of accu- 
mulation would have been 14.6 cubic feet per person. This increase of the rate 
by four would cut the time of accumulation down to 875 years. 

Gifford estimated the time for accumulation at Emeryville as 3300 years. 
But he assumes the same current population and rate of accumulation as at 
Ellis landing. Then, since he uses Uhle’s estimate of the mass of Emeryville 
(39,000 cubic meters), he is bound to arrive at a result nearly the same as 
Nelson’s for Ellis landing where nearly the same mass was used (35,650 cubic 
meters). In other words, this estimate introduces no new evidence and is 
simply a mathematical corroboration of previous ones. 

Gifford estimates the time of accumulation in another way. By analyzing 
nineteen samples he determines an arithmetical average of 13.47 per cent which 
he takes as the ash content of the Emeryville mound. Then, on the basis of 
Uhle’s estimate of 39,000 cubic meters as the mass of the mound, he finds that 
7528 tons of ash would be present in the mound. Averaging the percentage of 
ash present in trees likely to be accessible to the mound-dwellers, he decides 
that the ash would represent 0.9 per cent of the wood burned. It was assumed 
that the current population was about fifteen families of seven persons each, 
and it followed that each family would have to consume about 88 pounds of 
firewood daily if it took 3700 years for the mound to accumulate. He judges 
this daily consumption of 88 pounds to be reasonable and hence 3700 years is 
also taken as reasonable. 

Several objections to this method appear. In the field the samples were 
selected, and in the laboratory those that showed no ash were not used. Five 
grams each of those used were tested chemically. It is very difficult to deter- 


65 Op. cit., 381. 


212 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


mine accurately the ash in a shellmound because of the identity of elements 
involved. Also, one sample of no ash included instead of being selectively 
eliminated would make a difference of 0.71 per cent in the«result. The ash 
content once determined is not necessarily equivalent to the residue of wood 
fires. Hence the 13.47 per cent cannot be taken too exactly. (The samples 
ranged from 0 to 28.11 per cent; the tests from 3.37 per cent to 28.11 per cent.) 
Yet a change of 1 per cent in this figure, with other factors remaining unchanged, 
results in a change of about 285 years in the time of accumulation. 

Since the wood burned is not known the 0.9 per cent ash yield from fires 
must be regarded as approximate, especially since chemical analysis and current 
practice differ. Yet here again a small variation produces a great difference 
in the ‘‘age.’’ -One-tenth of 1 per cent variation might change the time of 
accumulation 410 years. 

Finally, the estimate assumes continued residence on the site. If residence 
were for part-time only, the ‘‘age of the mound’’ would be increased 
proportionally. 

In illustration: Suppose two of the samples analyzed are replaced by two 
samples taken from the same strata in the mound. The average percentage of 
ash would then become about 10 per cent and the ‘‘age’’ would be decreased 
855 years. Or if instead of a mixed lot of wood, only willow and cottonwood, 
such as grew nearby, were burned the ash residue percentage would be reduced 
to 0.6 per cent. Bone and other burnt material not the residue of wood fires may 
also be eliminated, reducing this figure, say, another 0.1 per cent to 0.5 per cent, 
and increasing the ‘‘age’’ 1640 years. Finally, if residence on the mound was 
for only six months each year, the ‘‘age’’ would be doubled. 


MATERIAL CULTURE 
ARTICLES OF ASPHALTUM 


We use the term ‘‘asphaltum’’ to designate an adhesive material 
used as a binder or glue, such as asphalt, bitumen, and other viscous 
tar-like matter. All specimens of adhesive material were not tested. 
In one case pine pitch was used (1—25550). Fish glue might also have 
been employed, but generally it would seem that asphaltum would be 
favored because other materials would be more difficult to procure than 
asphaltum, which occurred on the eastern side of San Francisco bay 
and in many other places in California.® ? 

This asphaltum was used for sticking beads to various articles, for 
covering wrapping (e.g., the cords on charmstones), possibly for pro- 
ducing decorative designs (e.g., whistles). One may infer a number 
of other uses. But as far as actual evidence goes the usage was more 
for aesthetic than practical purposes. It was used throughout the 
mound’s history and the knowledge of it manifested in the earlier 
stages suggests a comparatively developed people. 


66 Andrew C. Lawson, San Francisco Folio, Geological Atlas of the U. Bus 
23, 1914. California State Mining Bureau, Minerals of California, 285, 1923. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 213 


ARTICLES OF BONE 


Articles of bone constitute the largest and most remarkable class 
in the material culture of the shellmound, but as a class are not so 
frequently associated with burials. They offer a variety of suggestive 
utilitarian forms and afford probably the most pronounced evidences 
ot aesthetic traits. 

The bones most often used were those of deer and elk and the wing 
and leg bones of birds. Traces of probable whale bone artifacts were 
recovered and it seems likely that fish bones may have been used but 
not preserved. Exceptional bones are noted as the different artifacts 
are discussed. 

Practically all bones of size were broken. So many of these show 
absolutely no traces of use that it has been presumed that the bones 
were split for their marrow. In this study we leaned to the conserva- 
tive side and unless a fragment showed indisputable signs of having 
been worked or used, it was not counted as an artifact. Uhle consid- 
ered a number of such fragments as the ‘‘most primitive ethnological 
implements of which we have knowledge.’’®’ This seems aside from 
the point for evidence is available which shows that these primitive 
forms, if such they are, existed alongside much more developed forms 
which in the author’s view must characterize the cultural horizon. In 
other words, Uhle believed that these primitive forms fitted in with 
the conception of a more primitive culture in the lower levels whereas 
our evidence shows that primitiveness and lower levels cannot be 
correlated. 

Bone artifacts were found in all parts of the mound, but so fre- 
quently not in association with burials that most of our specimens 
from the cone were not found in situ. The careful work in the 
trenches produced proportionally more specimens. Does this indicate 
that in the lower portion of the mound we have the manifestation of a 
difference of culture? Probably not. From the cone, 175 bone arti- 
facts were listed, of which only 55 (81 per cent) were found with 
burials. In the trenches 138 were recovered, of which 7 (5 per cent) 
were with burials. The inference is that without the conspicuous 
markers furnished by burials we missed a great many bone artifacts 
in the cone and that this accounts for the difference in relative abun- 
dance seen in our collection. 

The bone artifacts generally suggest utilitarian uses, which may 
help to account for their exclusion from burials. Some of the forms 


67 Op. cit., 71. 


214 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


are readily identified but others, particularly those which we have 
brought together under Type IV of awls, cannot be determined. 

7 A few pieces show incised decorative attempts, others show traces 

of bead work or string adornment. The whistles may be considered 

musical instruments. No other class shows so much attempt at aesthetic 

expression. } 


Astragalt 


From the cone there were recovered two astragali or knuckle-bones 
from the ankles of deer each of which had had a hole drilled through it 
(pl. 48, mb, 1-26457). It seems probable that a number of other 
astragali were not distinguished by us as artifacts. The use of 
astragali as dice or as part of a game has a remote antiquity and a wide 
distribution not only in the old world but apparently also in the new, 
although it is not entirely clear that its presence in the new world is 
not due to Spanish influence.*® It is by no means certain that the 
drilled astragali from the Emeryville mound were implements for 
games. They might have been used as catches on the ends of cords or 
for other practical purposes. The depth of one of the pieces, 23 feet, 
seems to preclude Spanish influence. Astragalus bones are known to 
have been used by the Pomo Indians some fifty miles north of the bay 
and also by the Piman tribes in Arizona and Sonora. 


Awls 


The most common type of bone artifact is a pointed implement. 
Pins, needles, bodkins, punches, weapons, flakers, shell-openers, ete., 
might all be included. These articles merge into one another and into 
true awls so gradually, and actual indication of their use is so generally 
lacking, that our awl class is quite arbitrary. It is subdivided into 
eight types on the basis of the bone used. To some extent the bone 
employed and the use to which the awl was put were probably related. 
Compare, for example, the typical deer ulnae awls (pl. 38 a—e) with the 
cannon bone awls (pl. 38 A-l), or with an awl such as shown in plate 
38q (1-25749). Many awls recovered are too fragmentary to be classi- 
fied. For distributional consideration these have been thrown into a 
miscellaneous group. Type IV invites particular attention. Many 
articles quite different from the ordinary awls are found here, e.g., 
possible knives, scrapers, marrow spoons. 


68 Stewart Culin, Chess and Playing-cards, Rept. U. S. Nat. Museum 1896, 
826-30, 1898. 


1926 ] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 215 


A vertical cross-section of the trenches shows that all the different 
types had practically the same distribution, that this distribution was 
quite even, and that artifacts of this awl type extended from top to 
bottom of the mound. 


Type I. Of ulnae——Thirteen pieces in the trenches. These are 
blunt, strong awls usually made of the ulnae bones of deer (pl. 38c, 
1—25737), although elk is also used (pl. 38a 1—-25735), and one speci- 
men of probably coyote ulna (pl. 38d 1-25739) was found. The elk 
specimen illustrated was one of the largest found (200 mm. long) and 
the deer specimen illustrated, one of the smallest (120 mm. long). 
Other specimens are shown in plates 38e and 38 b (1—26079, 1-26081). 
These tools have an excellent natural handle and are so sturdy that 
they must have been used for the heaviest work.®® They might even 
have served as daggers. 


Type II. Of cannon bones (metacarpals and metatarsals ).—This 
formed the most numerous type of awls. They were generally long 
(ca. 115 to 185 mm.), well jointed, and highly polished. Four subtypes 
were recognized determined by the way in which the bone was used. 


(a) Sometimes the bone was split so as to divide the knuckle. These where 
the knuckle end was the handle make up this subtype. Plate 38h (1-25756) 
shows a finished awl and plate 38g (1—25780) a bone used for this purpose. Five 
pieces classified. (b) Sometimes the non-knuckle end of the cannon bone was 
preserved as a handle, the bone being split as in (a). Plate 38k (1-25760), and 
plate 38m (1-25781) show a bone in process. Fifteen pieces classified. (¢) In 
one case, from Area 10 at 10 feet, the entire knuckle was left for a handle; 
see plate 38f (1-25764). (d) Lastly, small fragments of the bone would be used 
with little or no preparation; see plate 381 (1—25762) ; two pieces classified. 


In addition to the classified pieces 13 specimens were indeter- 
minate, making a total of 36 for this type. These were horizontally 
distributed as follows: 


Subtype a 5 Areas 2, 3, 8, 10, 14 

Subtype 6 15 Areas 3, 3, 5, 14, 17, 18, 19, 32, 36; trench 1, 2; trench 2, 4 
Subtype c 1 Area 10 

Subtype d 2 Area 8, 9 


Indeterminate 13 
All the trench specimens that could be identified were of subtype b. 
A very sturdy awl was found 28 feet 9 inches deep (pl. 387 1-26092). 


Type III. Of tibiae.—Identification of these bones is more doubtful. 
Practically all awls in this class are made of deer tibiae. Specimens 
range in length from 95 to 195 mm. There is considerable variation of 


69 Compare Heye, fig. 12, op. cit., 87. 


216 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


form. Plate 38p (1—25748) shows what might perhaps be ealled a 
typical piece. Plate 38n (1-25745) is curved, very sturdy, and very 
highly polished. Plate 38q (1-25749) is interesting because of the 
very short point on such a large fragment of bone. In plate 380 
(1-25752) we have shown one of the abundant fragments out of 
which awls of this type might have been made. 


Type IV. Of deer rib.Artifacts of this type are usually made of 
deer rib though this is not always the case. These articles are propor- 
tionally plentiful and are hard to classify. It seems certain that the 
extremes which we have included must have been used for very 
different purposes. Yet the interchange of characteristic features is so 
uncertain that no line can well be drawn. Knives, skin-scrapers, and 
smoothers are probably included. Some may have been hair orna- 
ments.7° Some features are common to all. There is a definite polished 
point although this point may vary from straight to curved or flat 
to round. All are relatively thin. This thinness has been obtained in 
a number of cases by grinding down the inner surface of a deer or 
elk rib (1-25788). They generally have a definitely finished base 
(pl. 397, 1-25789). 


Plate 39 ir shows a number of these artifacts which were probably actual 
awls; 0 (1-25785) has a round point and a rather gouge-like cross-section. It 
also has the curve of the rib; j (1-25789) has been mentioned as illustrating 
the finished base, in this case rounded. It is quite flat and thin and it was 
associated with a burial and a number of other artifacts in Area 10 at 15 feet; 
i (1-25790) suggests the same type as 1-25789 with which it was associated. 
However it is much larger, having a width of 30 mm. It is sturdy enough to 
have been an effective weapon; r (1—25799) shows some of the abundant raw 
material. Whether such pieces had or had not been worked or used it seems 
impossible to state; k (1-26101) displays how the rib has been cut to a taper. 
This piece has a high polish on the outside and the inside has been ground down; 
1 (1-26105) is part of an awl from 30 feet 6 inches deep; m (1—26106) illustrates 
a curving point; n (1-26112) has a squared somewhat concave-convex base; 
p (1-26113) has a rounded base and certain scratches on one side which seem 
entirely meaningless. The other side is ground down. Sixteen pieces like 
these came from the cone and 15 from the trenches. 

Twenty-one articles intimately connected with the above and obtained from 
the trenches are illustrated in part in plate 39a-g; g (1-26116) shows a shaped 
base rather faintly suggesting a spoon. Note the reduction in the width of the 
specimen toward the middle; f (1—26123) also shows the reduction in width near 
the middle as though from wear; d (1—26122) is only the base of an interesting 
piece. The corners are shaped, the end square, and the whole piece only about 
1mm. thick. This is probably not rib bone. There is a hole in it about 5 mm. 
diameter, 60 mm. from the base. One of the truck-drivers recovered a piece 
which this may have resembled. It possessed the hole, was thin, curved, very 


70 Heye, op. cit., pl. 61. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 217 


long, and pointed. Nelson secured a similar piece at Ellis landing (1-11214); 
e (1—26129) is unusual both on account of its base and the indication of decora- 
tion. At the base the piece has been beveled off for some 50 mm. and made 
somewhat concave. These bases may have been used for extracting marrow. 
Four incised lines appear at the broken end (reverse of plate). This specimen 
was 25 feet 6 inches deep; c (1-26131) suggests a scraper. The base is quite 
sharp and somewhat concave-convex. The bone is 2 mm. thick and has been 
ground down on the convex side at the base apparently to give the base an 
edge; a (1-26134) suggests a knife; b (1-26135) suggests a spoon. 


Type V. Of sea-otter pems bones.—These bones were frequent and 
two from the trenches had unquestionably been used as awls (pl. 38s, 
38r, 1-261387-38). The last piece is much worn down as though it had 
been sharpened many times. These may have been used as flakers, as 
was done in the Aleutian islands. 

Type VI. Of bird bones.—Bird bones presented many doubtful 
cases. In very few cases did a detailed examination of the bone result 
in a conviction that it had been intentionally sharpened or polished 
by use as an awl. The fragile character of the bone itself makes it 
difficult to imagine what type of work they could have been used in. 
Plate 39h (1-25820) made from a radius bone and 190 mm. long seems 
almost certainly to be an awl. It is possible that such an artifact was 
used in extracting marrow. From Area 19. No awls of this type were 
found in the trenches. 

Type VII. Of fish bones.—Awls of this class were scarce. One 
reasonably certain specimen is shown in plate 43d (1-25819). This 
may have been a needle. It came from Area 33 at 15 feet. Fragments 
of polished sting-ray bone suggest the same use. 

Type VIII. Of uncertain bones.—Most of these bones were mammal 
and probably 95 per cent were deer. In the cone we secured 15 
specimens. Plate 48, @ and b (1-25806 and 1—25814), show rough 
splinters which have had a point polished by use; 43c¢ (1—25807) shows 
a very thick, blunt specimen that ,suggests a special use. Another 
heavy specimen is plate 42a (1-25818) from Area 5. This was prob- 
ably made of deer humerus. It is 105 mm. long. From the trenches 
21 specimens of this type were secured. Plate 42c (1-26141) is a 
calcined basal fragment which shows considerable trimming of the 
bone. 


218 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


Beads 


A number of the bird bone pieces described later as tubes may have 
been used as beads. We have taken length as the distinguishing 
characteristic. All tubes are beads if less than 25 mm. long. In the 
trenches were five such pieces; in the cone, two. All these are shown 
in plate 48, j—n. 


Trench Depth 
437, (1-26182) 1 94! 3" 
43k, (1-26183) 2 25 
431, (1-26184) 3 26’ 9! 
43m, (1-26185) 3 297 100 
43n, (1-26186) 3 30’ 9” 


Specimen 1—26184 is 20 by 8 mm. and there is a second shorter 
bead thrust into it. Specimen 1—26185 has two olivella dise beads still 
stuck to it with asphaltum. These are apparently the remains of more 
elaborate decoration. The presence of these beads, particularly the 
comparatively complex ones just described, in the lower depths of the 
mound should be emphasized as they are important in determining its 
cultural level. 

Plate 43, a and p, show the two pieces from the cone, while gq and r 
are so long as to rank as tubes but are shown here to illustrate the 
arbitrary line between these and beads. 

A portion of what was apparently a large bone bead was seen. It 
consisted of half a ring, 30 mm. diameter with a wide groove in its 
edge. This piece seemed to have been cut out of deer bone and is 
evidence of considerable skill. 


Club or Sword 


Plate 42g (1-26194) presents a very remarkable fragment. It 
seems to be the handle end of a club or sword fashioned from bone. 
The grip is well made for the purpose and the edge is much battered 
from use. This interesting piece came from the bottom of the 
mound—29 feet 10 inches deep in trench 3. 


Fuishhooks 


See this caption under ‘‘articles of Horn,’’ page 226. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 219 


Fleshers or Saw-like Implements 


A common implement of which 27 identifiable specimens were 
found was made by notching the scapulae of deer and elk (pl. 40 a—m). 
The blade is too thin and too brittle to have served as a saw for wood 
or hard materials; also the teeth are spaced too far apart, are too 
irregularly placed, and frequently extend over too limited an area. 
The teeth are not worn on the ridges but on one side. At times when 
teeth were broken out or worn away the pieces were renotched and 
the resulting edge was much too wavy to permit sawing; see plate 40g 
(1—25727). In some eases more than one edge was notched ; 1 (1—25730) 
shows two edges notched; a (1—26069) shows a piece where the other 
two ridged edges have been trimmed down to give the piece a better 
finish (see also b and c). The variation in the size of the notches is 
indicated by h (1-25731) and f (1-25723). A single article similar 
to the above is here included. It is also notched bone and the teeth 
are very fine (pl. 6e 1-25734), the piece is made of deer rib instead 
of a scapula. 

These pieces were scattered throughout the mound and were never 
associated with burials. The 11 pieces found in the trenches make us 
believe that the 16 from the cone are only a small part of those present. 
These articles are very fragile and must have been easily broken. 
Many scapulae were seen which were too fragmentary to indicate 
whether or not they had ever been notched. It must have been an 
implement in common use throughout the history of the mound since 
a piece (1-26066) was found as deep as 29 feet in trench 1. If any- 
thing, the lower specimens (pl. 40a—c) indicate more care in prepara- 
tion as shown by the trimming of the ridges above mentioned. Twenty- 
three of the pieces were of deer scapulae (pl. 40 j-m), the balance 
of elk (pl. 40 d and g). 


Mr. Henry Schumacher (brother of Dr. Paul Schumacher) has stated to the 
author that some years ago at Pleasant valley; Nevada county, California, he 
saw an Indian who had notched the edge of a steel knife blade and was using 
it for fleshing hides. This Indian informed him that formerly such implements 
had been made of bone. For heavy skins the notched shoulder blades of deer 
were used; rabbit shoulder blades were used for mole and other light skins. 
Such implements are used on the inside of the skins. Mr. Schumacher identifies 
our specimens as similar fleshers. This use seems probable as the teeth adapt 
it for catching the particles of meat and fat. The wear on the sides of the 
teeth suggests the rubbing which would result from the fleshing operation. 
This seems to the writer a more probable use than the use in connection with 
weaving, which Uhle suggests. 


220 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


Pieces of this type have a high antiquity. The Palaeolithic pieces shown by 
Wilson’! appear to be very similar. So also do pieces found by Mr. A. C. Parker 
at the Ripley Erie site in New York.72 Similar specimens were secured by 
previous San Francisco bay shellmound investigators and Uhle73 notes them 
as being reported from Bavaria, Alaska, and Massachusetts. Our point in 
citing these distributional references is simply to show that both temporal and 
spatial distribution point to a fundamental use, such as preparing hides, rather 
than to a specialized or localized development. 


Knives, Scrapers, Marrow Extractors, Hair Ornaments 


See Awls, Type IV, page 216. 


Miscellaneous 


From the cone we obtained four artifacts, and from the trenches 
one, made from entire cannon bones of deer. These pieces were highly 
polished and had lightly incised upon them, without apparent arrange- 
ment, a number of lines or marks (pl. 42b, 1-25886). Similar pieces 
are used by the Yurok Indians of northwestern California in sifting 
acorn meal. The meal is placed upon a flat tray which is tapped 
with these bones, effecting a separation of the fine and coarse material. 

An elk’s cannon bone (1—25890) split in half suggests an implement 
for dressing skins, or perhaps an awl in course of manufacture 
(pl. 42d). 

Plate 42f (1-26195) presents another unique object recovered from 
the dump. This is 165 by 52 mm., has a very high polish, and looks 
much like a modern shoe-horn. <A spoon or ladle is suggested. This 
piece is made from a broad piece of unidentifiable bone. 


Needles 


Bone needles were found though in very limited quantities which 
might be due to their size. Plate 48g (1-25826) shows a bone fragment 
5 mm. long with a notch around the base. This was from Area 28. 
A highly polished basal fragment of an apparently similar piece was 
recovered from the dump. A few additional specimens were gathered 
by others. 

In trench 1 at 26 feet 4 inches the knobbed-end specimen shown in 
plate 48e (1-26165) was found. In trench 2, at 23 feet 8 inches, was a 
eerepiene Wilson, Prehistoric Art, Rept. U. 8. Nat. Mus. 1896, 376, pls. 13, 


14, 1898. 


72 The Archaeological History of New York, N. Y. State Illus. Bull, nos. 235, 
236 (1920), fig. 43, pl. 97, figs. 10, 11. 


73 Op. cit., 76-78. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 221 


specimen 66 mm. long by 2.5 mm. thick, with a drilled eye (pl. 43f, 
1—26166). A very similar one came from 26 feet in trench 3, and from 
27 feet came a similar piece with the eye started on both sides but not 
yet drilled through. 


Pins 
In trench 2 at 23 feet 9 inches to 25 feet 10 inches were four small 
bone pieces which we denote as pins. Plate 48h shows the base of one 
of these (1—26162) and plate 482 the point of another (1-26163). A 


number of the small awls discussed under that head were probably 
used as pins in preparing hides, ete. 


Saw-like Implements 
See Fleshers. 


Sting-ray Bone Objects 


Awls of sting-ray bone have been mentioned. These fish were 
apparently very plentiful in the bay near the shellmound probably 
because of the food available in the shellfish beds in the vicinity. They 
were represented in the mound principally by their dental plates, of 
which, relatively, there was a great quantity. It was suggested at San 
Miguel’* that they were used as artifacts. They look so well fitted 
naturally for some use that one is tempted to think they might have 
been used ; but not a vestige of direct evidence was seen. Many of the 
pieces certainly were not used since in a number of instances several 
plates were still in place together when found. The sting-ray barbs 
may have been used. Here again direct evidence of shaping or wear is 
lacking. But a burial at fifteen feet, in Area 10 furnished suggestive 
evidence in the form of a cache of forty or more of these barbs 
gathered together. 


Teeth 


With burial 12-3619 at twelve feet in Area 6 were two beaver teeth 
plate 43b¢ (1-25895). These had not been drilled but were associated 
with bead and abalone work near the skull. This seems to indicate 
that they were held in esteem. Uhle also found beaver teeth and he 
thought their presence was an indication of antiquity for he believed 
the animal to be long since extinct in the neighboring territory. One 


74 Heye, op. cit., 110-111 (Heye identifies the species as Myliobatis cali- 
fornianus). 


222 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


of the men working for us had caught beaver in a skunk trap within 
about fifty miles of the mound on the lower Sacramento—San Joaquin 
river as late as 1918. And they exist at present in the Mokelumne 
river near its junction with the Sacramento. Hence their presence 
indicates no particular age. . 

Many sea-otter teeth were obtained. The large canines were fre- 
quently found isolated but with nothing about them to indicate use. 
However, one specimen was seen, but not recovered by us, which had 
. been notched at the end as though for a cord for suspension as a 
pendant. Uhle illustrates in his figure 36 (1—8736) a bear’s tooth 
used in the same way. 

Deer jaws with the teeth still present were common. We saw noth- 
ing about any of these to suggest artifacts. A. C. Parker thinks similar 
ones were used as scrapers at the Ripley Erie site in New York.” 


Tubes 


A large number of bird bones, principally ulnae, occurred in all 
parts of the mound. While they might have been intended as raw 
material for tubes, whistles, ete., we have adopted the view that they 
were normal refuse unless definitely worked. The work which con- 
verted such pieces into our ‘‘tubes’’ was the cutting off and grinding 
square of one or both ends. In addition ‘‘tubes’’ often showed a defi- 
nite polish. Plate 41d (1-25865) shows a typical piece. The diameter 
of the tubes depended on the bone used. Since in eases (pl. 41f, 
1—25881) this was as great as 20 mm., the inference is that some large 
birds such as pelicans, condors, and eagles must have been available 
at times. There was a great variation in length, 1-25865 is 60 mm. 
long; 1—25881, 85 mm. long. Plate 4lm (1-—25871) shows a piece 
15 mm. diameter by 35 mm. long; plate 41c (1—25872), one 125 mm. 
long. The longest was 195 mm. The most delicate specimen, plate 41e 
(1-25880), was 100 by 5 mm. It was the only worked radius bone 
tube noted and there is a reasonable doubt as to its having been 
worked. 

These tubes had a wide horizontal and vertical distribution in the 
cone, and six were found in the trenches, the deepest at 26 feet. One 
of these, plate 41a (1—-26188), is 195 mm. long. The piece shown in 
plate 41b (1—-26189) from 23 feet 6 inches has beveled ends and is 
probably not bird bone. 


75 Op. cit., 293. 


1926 ] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 223 


In the nature of the case it seems doubtful if these tubes were a 
finished product. They were probably articles in the process of manu- 
facture. The short tubes suggest beads or game bones, the longer ones 
pipe stems, whistles, or the like. 

Plate 412 (1—25884) presents an interesting specimen. It is the 
distal end of the femur of a large bird which has been provisionally 
identified’® as a bald eagle. The end has been cut off probably for the 
purpose of making a tube of the missing portion. Other distal ends 
are shown in plate 41,g and h. 

Only three tubes were noted which were not of bird bone. These 
are shown in plate 41, j-l (1-25885). They are well matched in size 
(115 by 138 mm.), workmanship, and material, and were found together 
and with the fragments of some exceptionally large bird bone tubes — 
(pl. 41n, 1-25873). The material of the three tubes is uncertain ; it is 
probably deer. 


Whalebone Artifacts 


A number of fragments of whalebone were recovered which had 
been ground down on one side. It was possible in one case to recon- 
struct a slab ca. 150 by 200 mm. The smooth, uneven surface indicates 
an artifact that had seen much use. Other pieces had been polished 
on both sides but are too small to permit speculation. This material 
was badly decomposed and it is quite probable that whalebone was 
utilized to a greater extent than these fragments indicate. 


Whistles 


By whistles we mean bone tubes as above described but with a notch 
in one side (pl. 41 o-w). They might also be termed calls or flutes. In 
some cases plugs of asphaltum were found in the vent and there are 
indications that one end was plugged or wrapped around with asphal- 
tum, but we have no whistles with such actually in place. The vent 
was comparatively small and in no case was there more than one. It 
was apparently made by abrading rather than by drilling. In most 
eases it is rubbed so smooth that no tool marks can be distinguished. 
About thirty-seven of these whistles were found in the cone. The 
number cannot be stated exactly on account of the fragmentary condi- 
tion of some specimens. In the trenches only four pieces were dis- 
covered. A remarkable thing about their distribution is the fact that 
they seemed to run in groups. Of the total thirty-seven pieces no less 


76 By Miss Edna Fisher, of the Museum of Vertebrate Zoology, University 
of California. 


224 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


than twenty-two complete pieces and some fragments were found in 
three lots, all with burials, i.e.: Area 6 at 12 feet, 8 pieces; Area 10 at 
15 feet, 9 pieces; Area 31 at 16 feet, 5 pieces. On this basis a single 
whistle-burial found in the trenches would have brought them quite 
into line with the cone. The distribution in the trenches ranged from 
23 feet to 26 feet 10 inches deep. The grouping of these whistles 
together is curious. Does it indicate specialization in making or in 
use or neither? In two cases the burials were accompanied by other 
artifacts. Many of the whistles are fragmentary in these groups, and 
as some if not all the pieces were near at hand it is possible that they 
were ‘‘killed’’ at the time their owner was buried. 

Another interesting feature about the whistles is that many of them 
show attempts at decoration. This was apparently done with asphal- 
tum, red paint, wrappings, and beads. Plate 41v (1—25835) shows one 
of the group from Area 6. This piece is 195 by 11 mm. Seventy milli- 
meters at one end have been blackened. Plate 41s (1—25836), found 
in the same group and 155 by 11 mm., shows blackened areas alter- 
nating with lighter ones as might have resulted from thongs or cords 
wrapped about it. Still another from this group (pl. 41t, 1-25837) 
shows a diagonal design in black lines. Two others though not colored 
still bear the imprint of olivella disc beads (ca. 5 mm. in diameter) 
which had been stuck to them. Plugs recovered from these whistles 
are apparently asphaltum (1—-25842). The occurrence of so many of 
these whistles together and the marks of lashings suggest the possibility 
that two or more were bound together in use, somewhat in the manner 
of those found by Schumacher on Santa Catalina island,” or perhaps 
more neatly with cords to form double whistles like those used by the 
Hupa Indians of northern California and illustrated by Wilson.”® 

The group from Area 10 also showed traces of asphaltum markings 
and red paint. Plate 41r shows 1—-25845 (195 by 15 mm.) and 41q, 
1—25846 (150 by 8 mm.) from this group. Some of the pieces in this 
group were curved with the notch on the concave side (e. g., pl. 41 o—-p, 
1—25848-49). These pieces seem so well matched as to again suggest 
the possibility of their having been bound together to form one instru- 
ment. The group from Area 31 contains one fine large specimen 
210 by 11 mm. (pl. 41w, 1-25855). The others are fragmentary. The 
pipes and pendants associated with this burial make it unusual. Plate 
41u (1-25861) shows a piece 185 by 11 mm. with well indicated black 
markings. 


77 Report of U. 8. Geological Survey west of the 100th Meridian, vir, 237, 1879. 
78 Op. cit., pl. 73. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 225 


A very problematical piece is presented in plate 427 (1-25891). 
This is a piece of a large bone (deer or elk, or perhaps human) with a 
hole in it looking like an unfinished whistle vent. Whether this hole 
was gnawed by animals or represents man’s work is doubtful. If 
gnawed it seems strange that the gnawing would concentrate on so 
small an area and that no marks of teeth would show on other parts 
of the bone. It also seems strange that evidences of gnawing should be 
limited to this single specimen. On the other hand, scratches are 
observable farther from the vent than seems likely in human workman- 
ship. Whistles made of large bones identified by Nelson as human 
femur*® were found in a shellmound at San Rafael, across the bay 
in Marin county (1-14944-50). These seven pieces were marked with 
wrappings and asphaltum and two still have parts of olivella inlays 
(1-14947). 


ARTICLES OF CLAY 


No evidence of pottery was secured. (One very doubtful exception 
is noted below.) As this checks with previous investigations, it seems 
safe to say that pottery was unknown to the users of the mound. 

In Area 1, a baked clay ball about 50 mm. in diameter (pl. 54d, 
1—25543) was found. In trench 3, 26 feet 6 inches deep was a biscuit- 
shaped fragment of baked clay with an impression. on the bottom such 
as might have been made by a pointed stick (pl. 54f, 1-25960). In the 
same trench at 28 feet deep was a small fragment of fire-baked clay 
1—25961). Finally in trench 2 at 27 feet deep was a sun-baked or 
fire baked piece of mud or sandy clay so shaped that it somewhat 
resembles a portion of the rim of a vessel (1—25959, pl. 54e). Clay 
balls were made and used in the neighboring delta region where stone 
was scarce and the two specimens first mentioned may represent con- 
tacts with that region. Considering the uncertain shape of the other 
pieces and their great scarcity the author regards them as incidental 
by-products of some activity (e.g., cooking) and not intentional 
artifacts. 

A clay mold of a textile is treated under ‘‘Textiles.’’ 


Articles of European Make 


Articles picked up on the surface which were obviously of Euro- 
pean make and which were likely to have accumulated through the use 
of the mound as a park were discarded. Beneath the surface no 
European artifacts were found. 


79 According to our re-identification these are not human but are elk bones. 


226 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


ARTICLES OF HORN 


Articles of antler or horn were comparatively numerous and were 
found in the trenches and in the central portion, edges, and perimeter 
of the mound. The material of the specimens has not been determined 
in detail but judging from skeletal remains the antlers most frequently 
used were those of deer. 


Cups 


The base of an antler cut off, hol- 
lowed out, and the edges beveled was 
found in two instances. The result was 
a cup-like object about 30 mm. in diam- 
eter and 55 mm. long. Specimen 
1-26219 from a depth of 23 feet 
9 inches is shown in plate 441. 
Such an article is too small for practical 
every-day use. It may have been a con- 
tainer though no appearance of paint or 
other contents was found. 







Fishhooks or Fish-spears 


Fishhooks or spears are made of both 
bone and horn and are of two types. 
The characteristics of the first type 
are shown in figure 4 and in plate 43z. 
The point and barb are broken in the 
photographed specimen (1—25907). The 
flattened edge where the hook 
sag etenation, of composite was bound to the second mens 
elements (1-25907, pl. 92). ber or to the shaft of a spear, 
and the notch for holding the 
binding in place are evident. Their resemblance to equivalent pieces in 
halibut hooks used by the Tlinkit Indians is so marked that their use 
as hooks seems reasonable. Only two specimens were found, 1—25907 
at a depth of 12 feet in Area 8 and (pl. 43 hp, 1-25908) at 15 feet in 
Area 32. The latter is a fragment which gives evidence of a double 
barb. These objects do not seem to have been plentiful, although 
apparently they were not limited to one section of the mound. Plate 
43 fh (1-26527) suggests a transition from this to the next type, 
having features of both. 


» 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 227 


The second type* of barb or hook is simpler. This barb is usually 
a plain, short, double-pointed piece (pl. 43 s-v 1-26170-73. See also 
Uhle, pl. 9, figs. 11-16). The pieces range from 45 to 90 mm. in 
length and are about 12 mm. in diameter. They are slightly convex 
in shape. In several cases the point at one end seems to have been 
worn smooth (fig. 5a). At the other end on one side for a distance of 
ca. 15 mm. is a Somewhat roughened area (fig. 5c); next a smooth 
area (b), then a second roughened area (c) and finally the smooth 
point. Heye (pl. 53) illustrates similar objects except that in his 


a 


b 
Fig. 6 Fig. 7 





Fig. 5. Double-pointed horn gorge or barb for composite fishhook (1—26170, 
pl. 9s). Natural size. 


Fig. 6. Single-pointed horn gorge or barb for composite fishhook (1—26175, 
pl. 9w). Natural size. 


Fig. 7. Outline of abalone ornament (not recovered). One-half natural size. 


pictured specimens there are apparently only two areas, a lower 
blackened or rougher one and an upper smooth area. It seems prob- 
able that these blackened areas represent spaces covered by thongs and 
thus protected from wear. <A covering of asphaltum might have 
further aided the blackening. A probable manner of use is illustrated 
and described by Heye.*t Our binding areas, however, make it seem 
impossible for the specimens to have been used exactly as illustrated 
by Heye; perhaps rather as the barb in the Eskimo composite hook. 

80 These articles are sometimes called gorges. For example, by W. J. Sollas, 
Ancient Hunters, 329, fig. 197b and e, where he shows Magdalenian artifacts of 
this type. It should be added that Uhle is more inclined to consider them 


arrowpoints, op. cit., 74-76. 
81 Op. cit., fig. 10, p. 83-86. 


228 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


In some eases these plain fishhook parts seem to have been modified 
without approaching the barbed type. Specimen 1—26175 (pl. 43w) 
has slight ridges (fig. 6a) where the blackened areas would be expected 
and there is a shallow notch (0) im the base. Specimen 1—26177 
(pl. 43x”) has the blackened areas but a tapered haft. The width 
(2 mm.) of this last specimen is so thin in proportion to the other 
dimensions (70 by 10 mm.) that it seems hardly strong enough for a 
fishhook. Also the upper blackened area seems too near the end. 

All eight specimens of the plain type came from trenches 1 and 3. 
Number 1-26170 was at about the 30-foot depth in trench 1. The most 
shallow was at 23 feet 10 inches in trench 3. It is possible that this 
indicates that such hooks were characteristic of the lower portion of the 
mound although small pieces like these would likely be missed in the 
steam shovel work. ) 

Plate 43y (1—25909) illustrates a doubtful specimen which is dis- 
eussed under ‘‘Fork-like implements.”’ 


Flaking Tool 


A long (165 mm.) tip of an antler (pl. 42e, 1-26220) with the por- 
tion near the point very much notched and scarred and the other end 
smooth as though from handling was found at 29 feet 10 inches in 
trench 3. This piece is longer and perhaps more pointed than the 
ordinary flaking tool but it suggests that implement. 


Fork-like Implement 


A portion of a fork- or hand- or trident-like object (pl. 43y, 
1—25909) was found associated with skeleton 12-3769. In size and 
shape it greatly resembles the Chinese ‘‘back-scratchers,’’ the shaft 
being missing in the specimen recovered. Sollas*? suggests that very 
similar Magdalenian pieces are gorges or fishhooks. We were inclined 
to agree with this classification until we examined a similar piece 
(1-11172) though with 4 ‘‘fingers,’’ pictured by Nelson** from Ellis 
landing. The shaft of this specimen is also broken but it is too long to 
fit the gorge conception. Nelson suggests that the piece is a scratcher, 
such for instance as might be used during the period when, on her ini- 
tiation into womanhood, the Indian woman is forbidden to touch her 
head with her hand. The great antiquity of similar pieces militates 
against such a localized, ceremonial interpretation. Further, the ends 


82 Op. cit., fig. 195, p. 328. 83 Op. cit., pl. 46, fig. 1. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 229 


of the piece show no wear such as would be expected were it used as a 
scratcher, but on one side there is a definite bevel apparently from 
such wear as might result from pushing the piece back and forth as a 
skin-smoother. 


Miscellaneous 


A number of fragments of antler were found in the trenches which 
gave definite evidence of having been worked on but were either 
unfinished or the waste ends. In some eases these were the cut-off 
tips, in others the base, and again medial fragments, cut off at both 
ends. The cutting was done by notching about as a boy would cut a 
stick with a dull knife. One piece (1-26221) was rectangular, having 
been cut on all four edges, and suggested a gorge in process of manu- 
facture. The tips might have been unfinished pendants such as 
described below, and the basal fragments intended for ‘‘cups.’’ One 
medial fragment (1—26223) is particularly interesting inasmuch as it 
eame from 31 feet deep in trench 1. 


Pendants 


Plate 43 pd shows a flat, oval, horn pendant (1-26196) found 27 
feet 7 inches deep in trench 3. This is the only specimen of its kind 
that we found. 

Pieces of antler (1—26528 and 1-25905) which might have been 
pendants are shown in plate 43 k,/. These are natural tips (4381 is ca. 
60 mm long by 12 mm. diameter at base) somewhat hollowed out at the 
base and with a transverse hole drilled through the base. Arthur C. 
Parker pictures a similar piece, except for the transverse hole, from 
Ripley, New York, and thinks that it may have been an arrow head.** 
Number 1—25905 was found with a skeleton not recovered 15 feet deep 
in Area 27. Number 1-25906 (plate 447) is possibly such a pendant 
in course of manufacture, or perhaps simply a discarded tip. 


Wedges 


The most common artifact made of horn was the wedge (pl 44 a-q). 
In the steam shovel work 8 were found distributed pretty well through 
the central portion of the mound. In the trenches 18 pieces were dis- 
covered. These articles were not with burials, with the exception of 
one (1-25904) in Area 32, 12 feet deep; and more should have been 
found in the cone unless they were used to a greater extent in the era 


84 Op. cit., pl. 99, fig. 8, 296. 


230 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


represented by the trenches. A few of the pieces, e.g., 1-26208 (pl. 427) 
are comparatively long, show marks or scratches on their beveled 
points, and have ends so little battered that they suggest other uses 
than wedges. They might have been used to open shellfish or as 
flakers. One specimen (1—26210, pl. 442) 120 mm. long, being flat and 
more or less pointed at both ends, may have been a large gorge. 

These wedges may be divided about equally into two types. 

Type I of which 1—25897, plate 42h, is a typical example is a com- 
paratively long natural spike of horn with the tip more or less beveled. 
The length varies from about 100 mm. to 165 mm. and the diameter 
from 25 to 50 mm. 

Type II is a short length of horn cut off at one or both ends. One 
end shows a decided bevel and the other end is usually battered from 
hammering. The lengths range from 75 to 90 mm. and the diameter 
from 25 to 60 mm. The usual size is about 30 mm. diameter. The 
piece 60 mm. diameter (1—26013) is an unusually sturdy one, the 
length being 90 mm. Plate 44a, b shows typical specimens (1—25898 
and 1-—26200). 

The distribution between the three trenches was quite even as was 
the vertical distribution. The deepest wedge found was at 29 feet 
8 inches in trench 3. This was a fiat piece 120 mm. long by 45 mm. by 
22mm. Regular wedges, however, were at 28 feet 3 inches in trench 1 
and at 27 feet 9 inches in trench 2. 

It may be observed that most of the battered wedges are too short 
to be gripped in the whole hand and struck. Also no mauls were 
found for pounding the wedges. 


ARTICLES OF SHELL 


In actual number of separate artifacts articles of shell exceeded all 
other materials. It seems obvious, however, that one should count one 
string of beads rather than several score of individual beads, or one 
necklace rather than half a dozen pendants, ete. Even so, the quantity 
of shell artifacts in the Emeryville mound was still relatively plentiful ; 
but when the location of the site is recalled and the region compared 
with other regions the scarcity of shell articles 1s impressive. 

Here were a people located on a bay of the ocean procuring much 
of their sustenance from the sea and handling hundreds of pounds of 
shell annually. Yet of the forty-one bodies found in the lower part of 
the mound only eight were associated with shell artifacts. (See 
table 6.) A similar comparison for the upper part cannot be made 


1926 ] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 231 


for data do not exist for all the burials there. From table 5 it may 
be noted that out of sixty-eight cases of observed association between 
bodies and some form of artifact, fifteen instances were entirely with- 
out shell. In other words, while table 5 shows that shell was the most 
commonly associated artifact, it gives no suggestion of the percentage 
of total burials without shell. Otherwise, one might conclude that the 
use of shell was much more general in the latter part of the mound’s 
history. The allowable conclusion seems to be that although shell was 
the most common non-decomposable material used for ornamentation, 
apparently-not more than 25 per cent of the population possessed shell 
articles. Further, in most cases the amount possessed was small in 
quantity. Compare, for example, the few beads found with the Emery- 
ville bodies, with the yards of beads which frequently accompany the 
bodies in the Sacramento-San Joaquin delta region thirty to fifty 
miles away. 

The poverty of form is almost as striking as the lack of quantity. 
In the region just referred to the abundance and elaborateness of 
abalone ornaments is striking. In the Santa Barbara Channel region 
shell was worked up into a surprising variety of forms, as Heye has 
indicated. Here at Emeryville one would not be far wrong in grouping 
all shell objects under two heads: beads and pendant-like objects. The 
exceptions would be rare and unimportant. Moreover, most of the 
beads are of the two simplest forms known, the olivella whole-sheil and 
the olivella circular dise bead, although another form did exist in 
appreciable quantities, i.e., the olivella rectangular disc bead. All the 
pendants are of abalone shell. Practically all are very simple in form 
and are rather poorly made. In a limited number of cases attempts 
at decoration were made. Such attempts consisted either of incising 
the edge of one side, or of parallel, circular, incised lines. 

It seems necessary to account for this paucity of shell artifacts. 
The first suggestion is that raw material was not in fact as available as 
at first seems evident. Local shells were apparently not suitable. The 
olivella and abalone shells used were open-sea shells. To reach the 
open sea from Emeryville would have required a tedious march of 
three or four days around the southern end of the bay. An even more 
difficult march and the crossing of Carquinez strait would be involved 
in a northern trip. The direct way would be ten miles across the bay 
to the Golden Gate. Accordingly, the conclusion is that the aborigines 
did not possess the means or the ability to make such a trip frequently. 
Yet, if such an explanation is valid, how did it happen that the delta 
region, more or less behind these people and much farther from the 


232 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


sea, possessed so many more shell artifacts? Again, the abundance of 
shell-work reflects the economic status of the people. The Emeryville 
people had few shell articles because they. did not have the means of 
acquiring such articles through trade. 

Shell articles were practically always with burials; and, as has 
been stated, were the most common burial association. Although so 
associated they were never ‘‘killed.’’ This non-killing of ornaments 
which could be more easily stolen than other forms of wealth implies 
that the practice of breaking up certain of the deceased’s possessions 
had already become a definite ritual, and that one is far from the 
beginnings of such practices. 

From the viewpoint of horizontal distribution, shellwork emphasizes 
the localization of certain types of artifacts. For example: practically 
all the haliotis shell beads were with one burial; the ring-type olivella 
bead (pl. 45 7, &) was found only in the northwest perimeter ;*° rec- 
tangular discs (pl. 45s) came only from Area 6; abalone ornaments 
(pl. 45 p, gq) were only with burial 12-3738. The distribution of 
pendants is noted in detail later. Such a distribution may indicate 
the differences of different makers, or, having a wider basis, which the 
presence of exceptional pieces (e.g., fig. 7) supports, may lead back to 
the conception of various groups from different localities visiting the 
mound. 

Vertical distribution does not suggest an evolutionary development 
during the history of the mound. The practice of inlaying was appar- 
ently known from its very beginning. Changes in types of artifacts 
are noted but these seem equivalent to the horizontal localizations just 
commented on. For example: the pendants most elaborate in form 
(type V) do not appear below twenty-two feet deep. But the most 
elaborately decorated pendants are all from below that level. The 
occurrence of rectangular olivella beads is suggestive. These beads 
appear to be a more advanced product than the circular type. They 
were found only above seventeen feet deep (from 9 to 17 feet to be 
exact). Apparently the rectangular type is later and did not reach 
the mound until it had attained half its growth. That it was an intru- 
sion rather than a local development is suggested by the two styles of 
rectangular beads. These two styles were used as complementary parts 
of a whole and it seems unlikely that, so related, they would have 
sprung simultaneously from the circular bead. 

a leaner: of similar beads were recently obtained from a site on the 


Orinda Country Club golf course. This site is over the first range of Berkeley 
hills and about ten miles from Emeryville. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 233 


Beads 


Shell beads were found throughout the mound from 6 feet to 29 
feet 6 inches deep. In practically all cases they were associated with 
burials. As there is every reason to think that they were present in 
many of the burials not carefully examined, suitable data for com- 
ments on distribution do not exist. For convenience in discussion we 
consider only articles less than 17 mm. in diameter as beads; if larger 
they are discs or pendants. Beads are first classified according to the 
material of which they are made, and then according to form. 

Beads of abalone (Haliotis) shell—With a burial at 15 feet in 
Area 8 were a number of centrally perforated abalone pieces varying 
from circular to rectangular in outline (1—25616, pl. 454,06) and 
about 15 mm. in diameter. These were associated with larger abalone 
dises and with olivella beads. In Area 20 with skeleton 12-3680 at 
15 feet was a similar bead (1—25617). 

Beads of mussel shell.—Three disc beads ca. 7 mm. diameter 
(1-26058, pl. 45c), found at 26 feet 10 inches with skeleton 12-3783 in 
trench 1, seemed to be of mussel shell. With them were sixty-five or 
more olivella beads of the same type. It is possible that other beads 
made of mussel shell were not distinguished by us, but we are more 
inclined to think that this was an exceptional material. 

Beads of olivella shell_Beads of this material are of three types. 

Type I—These are whole olivella shells with the spires ground off. 
Plate 45 d,e shows a typical specimen (1—25628). Twenty-six lots 
were recovered. The average bead is from 10 to 13 mm. long; but 
pieces as small as 6 mm. and as large as 25 mm. were seen. In one lot 
(1-26057) the range was from 7 to 25 mm. and it seems probable that 
they were strung or arranged in some kind of a design. Another lot 
(1—-26058) of more than one hundred pieces was well covered with red 
paint. The beads were all about 22 mm. long. This large number of 
large beads seemed to have been sewed on a cape or garment of some 
sort which covered the shoulders and upper portion of an infant 
(12-3793). Another infant (12-3794) which lay at the same level 
(24 feet deep) and about four feet away was also accompanied by a 
large number of these beads (1-26059). The lowest shell bead found 
was of this type—a single bead at 29 feet 6 inches (1—29061). 

Type II. Olivella disc beads ——These are the common circular bits 
of olivella shell, ranging in diameter from 2.5 to 15 mm., and centrally 
drilled with a biconical hole. Plate 45 f,g shows a typical specimen 


234 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


(1-25654). Thirty-eight lots were recovered from the cone and only 
three from the trenches, which appears to indicate a relative scarcity of 
the type in the lower portion of the mound. All beads of this type 
found were with burials. Moreover, it was the most common associa- 
tion and was frequently the only artifact that appeared in a burial. 
But in many eases it was associated not only with other artifacts but 
also with other types of beads. In some cases they were present in 
lots of 500 to 1000 pieces and were probably not all recovered even 
then. 

The position of the beads was usually near the head, sometimes 
apparently haphazard as though strung and wrapped around the skull, 
and in still other cases ‘‘shingled’’ or set in position as though they - 
had been sewed on something. In most cases a head covering or orna- 
ment of some kind was suggested though in a few eases a necklace or 
shoulder covering might be implied. Beads were also found in the 
mouth and ears. 

Some of these beads were in such poor condition that it was 
impossible to handle them; on others the luster was still bright. Some 
were covered with red paint, some showed traces of asphaltum or other 
material forming a yellowish film»; some were perfectly clean. Condi- 
tion and depth had no discernible relationship. 

Three styles or subtypes of these beads may be readily identified. 
There is first what may be termed the regular style wherein the 
diameter ranges from 6 to 15 mm. In the larger ones there is a 
marked curvature (natural in the shell) and the outline is somewhat 
irregular. The smaller beads are much flatter and the outline is more 
even although it may range from circular to almost rectangular. The 
second style consists of the ‘‘inlays or bushings.’’ Diameters here 
are from 2.5 to 6mm. The beads are quite flat and the whole is pro- 
portionally large. Plate 45 h, 1, show a typical specimen (1—25659). 
Beads of this style were scarce (4 lots recovered). Also they are far 
from being the only beads used in inlay work. For example see Uhle’s 
plate 2. Style three is almost a ring. The bead is well made and the 
hole is very large proportionally and does not disclose biconical drill- 
ing. The specimens (78) are too definitely true to style to permit the 
assumption that they are accidental forms. This style was found only 
in the northwest perimeter of the mound where three lots were 
recovered. Plate 45 7, k, show a typical specimen (1—25682). 

Type III. Rectangular olivella beads——These beads, also made of 
the walls of the olivella shell, offer interesting contrasts to the circular 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 235 


bead. Generally speaking, they show a great deal more skill, having 
good straight edges and square corners. The hole is placed with more 
care and as nearly as can be determined it is drilled from one side only. 
Plate 451, m, show a typical specimen (1—25688). Twenty lots were 
recovered at depths ranging from 9 feet to 17 feet. One lot (1—25693) 
contained over 700 pieces. None, it will be noted, came from the 
trenches where the circular beads were also scarce. These rectangular 
beads were frequently used in overlay or shingling, their position in 
the work being often visible. In at least three cases this inlay was on 
the skull, suggesting a head covering (e.g., 12-3702). 

There is some variation in sizes of these beads. The largest was 
8 by 10 mm. and the smallest 3 by 6mm. The most striking difference 
in form, however, consists of the relation of width to length. In one 
group of beads, by far the most numerous, the width is more than half 
the length, in others it is not and the beads appear slender. A com- 
parison of plate 451, m (1-25688) and n,o (1-25699) will make the 
difference clear. Such difference was doubtless intentional for the 
two styles were utilized in producing designs. 


Discs 


The distinction made here between a pendant and a disc is simply 
that the dise is not perforated. The only shell dises recovered were 
made of abalone (Haliotis) shell. Their distribution was limited and 
all were associated with burials. Two types may be considered. 

The first type (pl. 45s, 1-25598), which is of a generally rec- 
tangular shape, was the most numerous (12 lots recovered). Sizes 
range from about 47 by 48 mm. to 55 by 75 mm. The two shorter 
edges are often decorated with light notches. All pieces of this type 
came from Area 6 at depths of from 9 to 138 feet. In one case 
(1-25600) the pieces were over the face of a skeleton (12-3618), and 
in the other cases the association with the head was intimate. 

The second type is made up of circular pieces (pl. 45¢, 1-25610). 
The distribution is more uneven as we obtained one lot from each of 
the following areas, 8, 10, 26, 31. The depths were from 10 to 16 feet. 
In all cases the edge appears to have been decorated by notching. 

No. 1—25618 (pl. 45r) gives an indication of what may have been a 
common practice—the ornamenting of a disc by setting olivella disc 
beads thereon by means of asphaltum. 


236 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


Miscellaneous 


Six rectangular ornaments of abalone shell (1—25619, pl. 45p, q) 
found with burial 12-3738 at 13 feet are out of the ordinary since they 
are drilled at both ends and one piece has six holes. 

With three different burials large open-sea clam (Schizothaerus 
nuttalla) shells were found. No other such shells were seen in the 
mound. In one lot (1—-25707) were five pieces. This appearance only 
with burials would appear to indicate that these shells were indeed 
rare. This conclusion is made reasonable by the fact that this species 
is not found in the bay waters and must have been obtained from the 
seashore outside the Golden Gate. On the hinge of one of the valves 
barnacles have grown, which would seem to indicate that the shell, not 
the shellfish, had been collected by its former possessor. In all, these 
shells suggest visits to the open sea but at the same time imply the 
rarity of such visits. , | 

A similar suggestion is offered by a salt-water mussel shell of a 
Species not common in the bay which was obtained in trench 2 at 
about 25 feet. Of course abalone shells also had to be obtained on 
the seacoast. . 


Pendants 


The only shell pendants found were made of abalone (Haltotis) 
Shell. They were found only with burials and generally over the eyes 
or face. In almost every instance the pieces were exceedingly fragile 
and consequently a number seen could not be recovered and many of 
those obtained are in fragmentary form. The holes are usually 
biconically drilled. All abalone pieces seem to have a stain (or 
patina?) of a brownish hue. This will wash off. 

In considering distribution the concentration in a few burials 
should be noted. For example, twenty-two pieces of abalone (all 
pendants) were identified in the trenches. In the same trenches were 
forty-one bodies. Of these six had abalone associated with them as 
follows: 

Skeleton 12-3784, 6 pieces of abalone; 12-3789, 8; 12-3792, 2; 
12-3793, 2; 12-8794, 1; 12-3814, 3. It will be seen from this how 
treacherous quantitative or distributional generalizations are likely 
to be. 

Pendants may be divided on the basis of form. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 237 


Type I. Rim type.—This type of pendant is made from the heavy 
rim of the haliotis shell, and preserves some of the crescentic shape 
of that rim. One specimen (pl. 46a, 1-25557) of this type was found 
with skeleton 12-3662 in Area 18 at 3 feet. It is 13 by 110 mm. and 
is drilled at one end. Other pendants of this type are shown in 
Heye, plate 78. 

Type II. Dagger type—These pendants are long, slender, some- 
what dagger-shaped, and drilled at the non-pointed end. A typical 
Specimen (pl. 46c, 1-25568) has a notched design around its inside 
(nacrous) edge. Sixteen pieces were found of which five were from 
the trenches, the deepest pieces (1—26032-33) being with skeleton 
12-3784 at 26 feet 8 inches deep. Three were with skeleton 12-3814, 
one of which was very slender and the other quite broad. In the 
cone, Specimens ranged from a depth of 3 feet to 15 feet and came 
from the following areas: one each, Areas 20, 21, 24, 36; two each, 
Areas 10 and 26; three, Area 6. In two cases (1-25567-26036) 
there were two holes in the specimens instead of one. 

Type Ill. Rectangular type.— This type (pl. 46 e, f, g, h, 4, 
1—25570-71, 1—25576) generally has straight sides and square corners. 
It is variable in size. The end is not pointed. The hole is in different 
places. No specimens of this type were found in the trenches. Those 
in the cone were distributed as follows: depths 8 feet to 15 feet—one 
each in Areas 9, 35, 36; two in Areas 6, 21, 36; four in Area 20. 
Some specimens are decorated with the light notches around the edge. 
Specimen 1—25574 has the drilled hole in the center, 1-25575 has two 
holes at one end, and 1—25576 has three holes at one end. 

Type IV. Rough outline—This type is represented by the 
specimen (1—25577) shown in plate 467, from Area 26 at 4 feet. The 
distinguishing feature is that the outline is not only irregular but it is 
not shaped. 

Type V. Irregular outline —In this type the outline is irregular 
but it is shaped and is inclined to be symmetrical. The base is broad, 
the top more slender with two projections somewhat lke horns. 
Plate 46 k, l show a typical specimen (1—25579). The edge is usually 
decorated with notches, the hole is in the base, i.e., the broad end. In 
some specimens there is more than one hole (1—25580, pl. 47k, 3 holes 
in base; 1-25584, pl. 470, 5 holes at top and one at base; 1—-25585, 
pl. 47 m, n 4 holes in top). No pieces of this type were found in the 
trenches. The distribution in the cone was: depths 8 feet to 17 feet— 
one each in Areas 19, 25, 81, 32, and four in Area 9. The most 


238 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


elaborate specimen of this type noted by us was recovered by others. 
It is shown in outline in figure 7. Pendants somewhat of this type 
are common in the San Joaquin-—Sacramento delta region. 

Type VI. Circular type—-This type is distinguished by being 
circular or oval in outline. The diameter ranges from 17 mm. to 
60 mm. The inside edge is nearly always notched (pl. 46 p, r,s). The 
hole is usually near one margin. One specimen (1—25596) was noted 
with three holes. Plate 46 m-o show characteristic specimens 
(1-25587). Plate 46 had some adhesive material (asphaltum ?) 
around the rim (1—25592) suggesting an inlay with olivella beads 
like that more definitely shown in plate 46g (1-26044). Plate 467,s 
(1-25595) show a large size. Distribution in the cone was: depths 
8 feet to 16 feet—one each in Areas 20, 35; two in Areas 9, 26, 31; 
three in Area 10; six in Area 32; ten in Area 36. The distribution in 
the trenches has been touched upon in the introductory remarks to 
pendants. Skeleton 12-3789 was not only supplied with a number of 
abalone pieces but they showed variety. Plate 46¢ shows specimen 
1—26038. This specimen is about 60 mm. diameter with a 7 mm. hole. 
It is incised with two pairs of roughly parallel lines about 3 mm. apart 
on the lustrous side. This design is interesting because it is the only 
one used for decorating the abalone pieces except the slight notches 
above mentioned. Another specimen (1—26039) with skeleton 12-3789 ; 
two (1—26044—45) with the infant 12-8792; one (1—-26049) with the 
infant 12-3793; and a very similar design (1—26051, pl. 46u) with 
12-3793 represent the most definite attempt at design that we saw. It 
is interesting that such an attempt appears in the lower levels (24 feet 
to 25 feet 11 inches) and the similarity supports the supposed relation- 
ship between articles of this general level in the trenches. The location 
of the pendants about skeleton 12-3789 was as follows: 


1-26038, incised line design, central hole, 60 mm. 


diameterisii ky ah ee ate eee ee In crotch. 
1-26039, incised line design, central. hole, 42 mm. 

diameter: <ii.3, tees cco ren ea ee ee In abdominal cavity. 
1-26040, two small marginal holes, 40 mm. di- 

BMOELE 2 5 Ecce el ee as ene Near right knee. 
1—26041, central hole, 35 mm. diameterv.................... Under pelvic bones. 
1-26042, central hole, oval, 20 x 15 (2) mm. di- 

ameter:usimsa ee 75k Lo ugiuoc seal chk bree aes Ree Under ribs. 
1-26043, central hole, 30 (2) mm. diameter.............. Near left knee. 


See burial 12-3789 for further comments. 
A variation of the circular type wherein the central hole is so 
enlarged as to make the piece a ring was noted. Four specimens were 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 239 


near the head of skeleton 12-3784. The diameters and holes were 
30 X15 mm.; 25x15 mm.; 35x 20mm. A similar piece, 30 x 15 mm., 
was found with the infant 12-3793. 


Vessels 


Five more or less entire _abalone shells (Halotis californiensis) 
were recovered, two in association with burials. These may have been 
raw material, or they could have been used as vessels, containers, 
scoops, etc. (See Heye pls. 73, 74, fig. 22, fig. 23.) One specimen 
(1-25621) apparently had olivella disc beads stuck to its inside; 
1—25622 showed some evidence, in the form of light notches, of having 
been worked ; 1-25624 was soiled as though by previous contents. 


ARTICLES OF STONE (CHIPPED) 


_ Arrowpoints, Spearheads, and Knives 
Form.—tThe artifacts of this class found at Emeryville may be 
grouped on the basis of form as follows: 


Type Characteristic form Plate 48 Quantity 
NAa Not stemmed, leaf-shaped, pointed at both enda.......... h 2 
NAa(?) Probably same as above but specimens incomplete...... 5 
NAbI1 Not stemmed, leaf-shaped, pointed at one end, convex 

Fee Oty ee RM MM WNT OME ihc isaigu oudsdersede coadieasene if 4 
NAb2 Not stemmed, leaf-shaped, pointed at one end, 

SUEUR A TGE Dery ae Als AE Ae oat ee a RE g 2 
NA— Not stemmed, leaf-shaped. Further determination 
BA ROR STU Le meme het BENS, 2% nec oe de taiser «. Seite ee 2 
SAa Stemmed, contracting stem, shouldered only................ a 2 
PRN WTA ILO) TEAC INONUES, 5.5555 2.04a5005 Meibeasescers Ses onpseeasnedbevdsnousstanesiarvenuts 9 





26 
This tabulation is based on the scheme followed by Gifford and 
the author in working up material from the upper San Joaquin 
valley.°° There it was necessary to develop eighteen regular types 
and several special ones for classification. This is in marked contrast 
to the situation at Emeryville where consideration will show that 
there are even fewer types than would seem apparent from the table. 
As many of the specimens were poorly made or damaged by use, 
detailed classification is difficult so that it is probable that all the NA 
group specimens listed should be taken as having been intended for 
the same type of point. It will be noted that these differ only with 


86 Archaeology of the southern San Joaquin valley, present series, XXIII, 
1-122, pls. 1-34, 1 map, 1926. 


240 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


reference to one end, which may be sharply pointed, convex, or 
straight—a neat distinction to make in many cases. A number of the 
unidentifiable fragments are parts of large, rather than small, blades 
and hence also probably of the NA group. In short, it would appear 
that we would commit no essential error if we decided that the 
Emeryville inhabitants used. but two types of chipped stone arrow- 
points or spear points; (1) a small, stemmed type (SAa) which 
occurred very infrequently; and (2) a larger, leaf-shaped, non- 
stemmed type generally pointed at both ends (NAa). 

Type SAa—The two specimens found are both comparatively 
small (1—25505, pl. 48a and 1—26006, pl. 480). This smallness coupled 
with the fact that they are stemmed and shouldered leads one to regard 
them as arrowpoints. The collections of Uhle, Nelson, and Loud bear 
out the fact that the stemmed type was much less frequent in the bay 
district. In the Alpaugh region of the upper San Joaquin valley the 
non-stemmed type predominated. In the lake region of the same area 
type NBb (non-stemmed, triangular, concave base) constituted 45 per 
cent of all points. In the Dalles region of the Columbia river, type SB 
(stemmed with parallel-sided stems) constituted almost all the points. 
Attention is called to the heavily serrate edges of 1—25505. 

Type NAa.—Plate 48 illustrates a number of these point s(1—25452, 
1-25455, 1-25456, d-f, type NAb1; 1-25457, g, type NAb2; 1-25451, 
1—25460, 1-26000, h-7, type NAa). These are large, sturdy points as 
a rule; so large, indeed, that it seems impossible to regard them as 
arrowpoints. 

Material—Of the twenty-six points, twenty-three were made of 
obsidian and three of a deep chocolate-colored, white mottled flint. 
This flint is quite different from the chert which was common in the 
mound in the form of raw material. No points were found made of 
that chert. These flint blades were fragmentary but appeared to be 
of the same type, 1.e., NAa (1—25997, pl. 48%). All were from the 
trenches, two from trench 2—one at 23 feet 8 inches deep and the 
other at 23 feet 5 inches deep with skeleton 12-3795; the third from 
trench 1 at 26 feet 9 inches deep with skeleton 12-3791. They appear 
to represent an early intrusion which was not subsequently repeated. 
Obsidian, the usual material for these artifacts, does not occur locally. 
The nearest supply was probably some distance north of the bay. A 
few pieces of raw material were found in the mound in the shape of 
water-worn obsidian pebbles (1—2546, pl. 547). As these were found 
associated with burials, more than ordinary value was evidently placed 


1926] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 241 


upon it. Obsidian chips were noted here and there, one from as deep 
as 29 feet 6 inches. The chips from their smallness and scarcity sug- 
gest breakage in use rather than an indication of the manufacture of 
points. All in all, one is inclined to think that these points were. 
brought in or traded in from the north where they were made. 

Workmanship.—The workmanship exhibited by the points is fair 
at best. 

Distribution—tThe distribution of the flint points has been noted. 
We now take up the twenty-three of obsidian which may be tabulated. 














Area Depth Quantity Association 
General surface................0..0.... 3 
RL NGES ee oe 1 With skeleton 
SOR = ied! 1 With skeleton 12-3616 
TERS 5055 abou ven casecsa gies t 1 
OTS ts CN " 1 
Ryo iC US oe ee 13’ 1 With skeleton 
BAe Ee 5 ccf caividv std vcore 1’ 2 With skeleton 12-3708 
SUG Sst 16’ 2 With skeleton 
PEO oo Ree sede fda op a eh id en Bho re 1 
“CEO So 26’ 4”” 1 
SUES AS en a a 24’ 9”’ 1 With skeleton 12-3800 
BENE eal, cesacatnus acdte 2 2o210 6 With skeleton 12-3801 
CELE Cn) 2a 0 SIRS a pas ar bm 1 ——— 
SOPRA RS) be 0 ee oF 1? 1 ——— 





bo 
(oe) 


Fourteen of the twenty-three were found with skeletons. Since 
the others were not all found in place it is probable that nearly all, 
if not all, these points were originally buried with bodies. This 
concentration is very remarkable and is emphasized by the six pieces 
(nearly 30 per cent of the total found) with a single burial (12-3801). 
In other words, the entire collection from the mound points to less 
than a score of users of such points. Even allowing for what was 
overlooked and taking a minimum age of 1000 years for the mound 
this paucity of hunters or fighters equipped with such simple weapons 
is indeed extraordinary. This scarcity of points is an outstanding 
feature of the bay mounds. The results of the investigations of Uhle, 
Nelson, and Loud are more or less analogous to our own. These are 
artifacts usually collected by ‘‘relic hunters,’’ yet even by the early 
settlers in this district the scarcity of points was noted.’ Such arti- 
facts are usually comparatively plentiful in aboriginal sites in Cali- 
fornia which have been dealt with archaeologically. The abundance 


87 Thompson and West, Historical atlas of Alameda county, 15, 1878. ‘‘The 
arrowheads found here are usually of obsidian.’’ There is a ‘‘scarcity of 


weapons of warfare.’’ 


242 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


of similar points in the counties north of the bay again leads us (as 
did the material) to attribute the origin of the Emeryville points to 
that region. | 

The fact that a goodly portion of these points were actually left in 
the wounds (pl. 480) of the individuals with whom we found them 
shows that they were not the property of the person buried. This 
lends weight to the hypothesis of their foreign origin, suggesting that 
they were brought in by enemies and left as the result of fights. In 
this way, it is likely that other points as well came into possession of 
the mound-dwellers. 

The horizontal distribution indicates a rather widely distributed 
use. 

The vertical distribution is more interesting. Number 1—26006 
(pl. 485), as well worked a piece as any found in the mound, was 
from a depth of 29 feet 7 inches, another from a depth of 11 feet. 
Apparently then, knowledge of obsidian points was possessed from 
the earliest days of the mound to well toward its end. When such a 
piece as 1—26006 occurs practically on the bottom of the mound the 
question as to whether or not chert chips were eoliths seems aside from ~ 
the point. 

Usage.—As has been suggested only two or three of the points 
found seem suitable for arrowheads. Since points were made but 
arrowheads were not, we conclude that the bow and arrow was not 
popular. The other points could have been used as knives or spears. 
The fact that 1-26004 (pl. 481) was apparently held in the hand of 
skeleton 12-3801 during a fight suggests its use as a knife or dagger. 
On the other hand, the nature of the wounds inflicted makes the use of 
these points as spears seem more probable. Number 12-3801 might 
have grasped the head of his enemy’s spear in the course of the fight. 
Spears were apparently more popular than the bow and arrow. Our 
evidence would further suggest that they were used in war rather than 
for hunting. Indications of slain game are plentiful and if chipped 
stone had been used for this purpose it should be more abundant. 
The lack of such weapons in hunting might help explain the practical 
absence of any skeletal material of bears and other carnivores which 
were numerous in the vicinity. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 243 


Scrapers and (or) Knives 


Only two articles of this class were found (1-25450, pl. 48, and 
1—25998, pl. 48q). Both are of the type that have a shaft or handle, 
i.e., more or less gouge or chisel-like. 

Specimen 1—25450 was made of gray chalcedony, 1—25998 of green- 
ish chert. This last piece is of particular importance since it is the 
only specimen made of the chert material plentiful in the mound in its 
raw state. This may have been because the material was hard to work 
or it may indicate that chipped implements were usually made in 
some other spot where a more suitable material (notably, obsidian) 
was available. The amount of chert of this nature in the mound has 
been mentioned and the possibility of the chips being eoliths or the 
refuse of a workshop has also been discussed. Hence it may simply 
be repeated here that if this chert was as widely worked into artifacts 
as the chips would suggest if made by man in manufacturing points, 
knives, ete., it seems remarkable that only a single specimen repre- 
senting such manufacture should be discovered.** It is possible that 
on account of its brittle nature the aborigines in making scrapers tried 
to substitute tougher materials for obsidian which was generally used 
for their points. 

The workmanship exhibited by these specimens is fair. 

Specimen 1—25450 was found in Area 25 at eleven feet deep not in 
association with anything. Number 1—25998 was 25 feet 10 inches 
deep in trench 2, with skeleton 12-3801, with which were also asso- 
ciated six obsidian points. This gives the contemporaneous use of 
obsidian and chert. The chalcedony was found at a depth of eleven 
feet. Apparently from the beginning both chert and obsidian were 
known to be suitable for chipped implements. Obsidian was pre- 
ferred and other material used only infrequently or for special objects. 
The material from Stege and Ellis landing indicates the same practice 
there. i 

88 A possible exception to this statement is 1-8815 found by Uhle. This is a 
portion of a point made of red chert. Uhle’s specimen 1-8929, possibly an 


awl, was made from a chip of quartz. Uhle’s other specimens we would call 
chips, not artifacts. See his pl. 6. 

Loud found only one flint artifact at Stege as against 11 obsidian ones. At 
Ellis landing the proportion of non-obsidian artifacts was low, although Nelson 
does not give exact quantities. 


[Vol. 23 


University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 


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1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 245 


ARTICLES OF STONE (GROUND) 
Mortars 


Forty-seven mortars were recovered in the steam shovel work, and 
four from the trenches. A number of other mortars were noted but 
were acquired by others. It seems probable that practically all the 
mortars in the cone were observed and that the number was not far 
from 80, or one mortar to about seven bodies. 

With the exception of three pieces in Area I and one in Area 30, 
the thirty located pieces were from the areas within the hedge. Nine 
were from Area 10; otherwise the distribution was rather even. Data 
for vertical distribution are insufficient. The highest was 7 feet, the 
lowest 28 feet 6 inches deep. 

Most of the mortars were made of basalt or fine sandstone. Mortars 
of unidentified stone were also noted but none of granite were seen. 
This material suggests either the neighboring Berkeley hills or the 
mountains north of San Francisco bay as sources of supply. 

In size the mortars varied greatly. The smallest was 90 mm. 
diameter ; the largest 500 mm. diameter by 290 mm. high. The great 
majority were about 300 to 400 mm. diameter. The smallest piece 
(1-25914, pl. 54m) was also from the lowest depth (28 feet 6 inches) 
and was associated with a pestle. 

On the basis of form we have divided the mortars into five types. 
Characteristic features of these are given in table 9 and typical forms 
displayed in plates 49 and 50. Since these types converge it is difficult 
to classify some specimens. Type III should perhaps be more properly 
included in the other types. 

Type I.—Specimens of this type seen are of porous, gray basalt. 
The superiority of workmanship should be emphasized. The sym- 
metry of form and the excellent finish, taken in conjunction with the 
large size, implies a most thorough mastery of technique and a very 
high degree of mechanical skill. Six mortars of this type were noted 
and three recovered, one each from Areas 10, 30, 35. 

This type is also reported from Sonoma county just north of San 
Francisco bay. 

- Type II1.—Mortars of this type were generally made of the Fran- 
ciscan basalts or sandstones. The workmanship was in many cases 
excellent but more variable than in-type I. The lower diameter is 


246 Unwersity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


frequently very much smaller than the upper. The size varies greatly. 
The next to the smallest specimen found (150 mm. diameter by 
120 mm. high) was of this type. Also the largest diameter noted, 
5010 mm., was of this type. This was the most popular type, twenty- 
three out of fifty-one classified specimens belonging to it. These were 
quite evenly distributed. 

Type III.—These are ‘‘killed’’ mortars, i.e., mortars deliberately 
broken, presumably at the time of burial of their owners. That the 
breaks are deliberate is adduced from these facts. The pieces broken 
off the sides resemble one another in size and shape so as to suggest 
their having been broken off by similar strokes from the same imple- 
ment, e.g., pestle. They vary from three to eight to a mortar. In 
several cases pieces were discovered near the broken mortar which 
fitted it, indicating that it had been moved little if any after the 
breaks were made. The number of similarly broken mortars seems to 
preclude accidental breaking. This breaking has been used as the 
criterion for classification. All these specimens, however, belonged 
to types II or IV before being ‘‘killed’’ and it seems probable that 
most of them were type II. Specimens found were scattered in the 
central portion of the mound. 

Type IV.—This type is meant to include the bowl-like specimens. 
The sides are usually definitely convex though sometimes they are 
straight. The base is also variable for while it is usually more or less 
rounded or pointed, specimens with a flat base were found. The 
quality of workmanship is also variable. As a rule the exterior is not 
symmetrical and is not well finished. Ten specimens were found, one 
each from Areas 1 and 10, two from Area 9; three from the trenches ; 
and three uncertain. This seems to indicate a limited distribution in 
the mound. 

The type is particularly interesting because of its frequent close 
association with human bones. In several cases part of the skull or 
skeleton was actually in the mortar (1-25354) ; or 1t was on the chest 
(1-25911 on 12-3784) ; again it was inverted over the skull (1-25912 
on 12-3817).. In this last instance a second, similar mortar (1—-25913) 
was inverted over the pelvis. These are only typical instances as other 
cases where specimens were not recovered were noted. 

Excepting a small ‘‘paint’’(?) mortar the only mortars found in 
our trenches were three of type IV (the three last mentioned above) 
and these approached type II in having a flattish base and a fairly 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 247 


well-shaped and finished exterior. Mortars of this type showed 
variation in material. 

Type V.—These are mortars made from large pebbles, small 
boulders, or irregular masses of material. The hole is small com- 
pared to the mass of the mortar. The shape is irregular and the 
exterior is very slightly finished or more frequently not at all. The 
range in size is from large specimens to the smallest one (1—25914) 
recovered. The small so-called paint mortars are likely to be of this 
type. Number 1—25918 from 28 feet 6 inches in trench 2 is apparently 
a pebble in which a mortar was being started. Marks of red paint 
were all around the edge. The seven pieces found show an even 
distribution. The material varies as in type IV. Mr. E. J. Dawson 
of Lodi, California, states that small mortars of this type are most 
common in the Lodi-Stockton area. 

Several mortars were noted with flattened areas on their sides 
(e.g., 1-25350, 1-25911) as though this area had been used in some 
erinding or polishing process. Many specimens had the rims worn 
into grooves as might be expected from pestle action, and two were 
seen where holes had been worn clear through the bottom by ordinary 
use. The small specimen 1—25914 has sides and a base which suggest 
a muller. 

Mortar 1—25333 (type II) is particularly notable. This fine mortar 
had a design on its lip formed of various sized rectangular olivella 
shell beads set in asphaltum. Both the mortar itself and this decora- 
tive attempt reveal a marked aesthetic sense. 

In addition to complete mortars a number of mortar fragments 
were collected from the trenches. Many of these had been used as fire- 
stones. These were found to the lowest depths and suggest naturally 
that mortars were used very early in the mound’s history, perhaps at 
its very beginning, but also that they were used by a people familiar 
with them before they settled when the mound now is. 


Pestles 


Pestles of various stones were found throughout the mound— 
fifty-two in the shovel work and ten in the trenches. These may be 
divided into four types as shown in table 10. 

Type I.—The longest piece noted had a length of 200 mm. The 
greatest diameter was 100 mm. Only one piece was found outside the 
central portion of the mound. Two were in the trenches: one 


University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [ Vol. 23 


248 


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(1—25923) near skeleton 12-3778 at a depth of 26 feet 7 inches; the 
other (1—25924) with mortar 1-25914 at a depth of 28 feet 6 inches. 
Both these are small (ca. 50 x 100 mm.) and 1—25923 shows red paint 
ingrained in the ends. Hence they were probably paint pestles. 

Type II.—These ran in about the same sizes as type I. They were 
found on the edges as well as in the central areas. Six were in the 
trenches. One of these (1-26927) was imbedded in ash under the 
head of skeleton 12-3795. A fragment of another was one of the 
deepest artifacts found—3s0 feet 4 inches. It is possible that this type 
simply represents specimens of type III worn down by use. It is 
interesting to note that this type is most numerous in the trenches 
whereas such was not the case higher up. 

Type IlI.—These were found throughout the mound and one 
rather flattish specimen (1—25932) was recovered from trench 2 at 
28 feet 3 inches. Lengths averaged from 200 to 330 mm. and the 
average diameter was about 50 mm. Inasmuch as one end shows a 
tendeney to specialization these might be regarded as the most elab- 
orate pestles, but in excellence of workmanship they do not surpass 
many of the carefully fashioned specimens of types I and IJ. One 
‘specimen (1—25407) in its end specialization shows the so-called 
phallic end. It will be noted that this was by far the most frequent 
type. 

Type IV.—These pestles are so irregular that it is often doubtful 
whether they were pestles or hammerstones. As both ends show use 
and the length is considerably greater than the diameter (maximum 
specimen 310 x 120 mm.) we have considered them pestles. They are 
natural pieces of rock and give no evidence of having been fashioned 
whereas types I, II, and III have all been shaped. Such specimens 
were found mostly in the western half of the mound. One specimen 
was recovered from trench 2 at 27 feet 6 inches. 

In addition to complete pestles the number of pestle fragments 
(many of which had been used as fire-stones) in the trenches showed 
that this article was in common use in the early history of the mound. 

Fragments of a pestle were noted which suggested that it had been 
‘*killed.’’ 

While the material of which the pestles was made is varied, there 
is nothing about it to suggest that it could not have been procured in 
the Berkeley hills. 


250 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


Pipes 


Form.—Six pipes, presumably for smoking tobacco, were secured. 
One is in fragmentary condition. The other five (1-25498-99, 25500- 
01-03) are shown in plate 52. All these pipes are of the tubular 
variety but no two are alike in detail and there is a tremendous range 
in size. Figure 8, giving the main outlines and comparative sizes, 
with plate 52, will best make these variations clear. Since practically 
all the pipes used in California, except in the northeastern part, are 
of the tubular type this feature is of little assistance. Pipes similar 
to 1-25498 (pl. 52f) are found in modern times in central California 
(e.g., 1-4083, Madera county). Numbers 1—25499 (pl. 52e) while 
differing considerably in proportions has about the same capacity and 
was apparently likewise adapted for the insertion of a bone stem or 
mouthpiece. Number 1—25500 (pl. 52c) resembles specimens from 
Santa Barbara. Nos. 1-25501 (pl. 520) and 1—25503 (pl. 52a) resemble 
one another and are large, handsome pieces. On account of their size 
and material it is to be expected that they would resemble Santa 
Barbara channel types but they do not. Loud procured two specimens 
of similar form from the shores of northwest California. The five 
pipes secured by Uhle at Emeryville are also all of the tubular type 
and differ from one another and from ours. Hence they carry out 
the impression of entire lack of uniformity in these artifacts. Of the 
three specimens from Ellis landing one is cup-shaped somewhat 
resembling 1—25499 and the other two approach our specimens 
1—25501-03 but are not the same. 

Since three of these pipes (1—2500-01-03) were with one burial 
the three types represented were contemporaneous. Considering this 
fact together with the diversity of form, the questionable value of com- 
paring our small series with those from other regions is emphasized. 
Pipe forms or ideas of them might have arrived through trade, but it 
seems clear that there was no predominant type and that individual 
taste and skill in manufacture were important factors. This indica- 
tion is interesting when applied to such items as charmstones where 
the use is not definitely known and where the diversity in form has 
eaused much speculation. 


Mr. E. J. Dawson has kindly supplied me with data concerning the pipes in 
his collection from the Mokelumne-Sacramento river region and in the Barr 
collection from Stockton. Both collections exhibit the same variations as those 
commented on above. In both could be found specimens reasonably similar 
though not identical to those in our collection. While both collections are 
richer than ours, all our general comments concerning pipes would apply as 
well to this delta material. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 251 


Material—F our of the entire specimens are of steatite as is also 
the fragmentary specimen. As four of Uhle’s pipes and all three of 
Nelson’s from Ellis landing were of similar material, it seems obvious 
that this was the favorite material for pipes in the bay region. 
Number 1—25500 is of fine grained sandstone ; 1-25499 has been coated 
apparently with white paint or has acquired a heavy incrustation both 


20 MH 





Fig. 8. Pipes. Diagrammatic drawing of outline and boring. See plate 18. 


inside and out. The steatite of the other pieces does not resemble that 
found near Stege; this difference may be due to the fact that the pipes 
are highly polished. 

Workmanship.—Considerable variation in skill is shown. In all 
cases except 1—-25499 the exterior is well shaped. In 1—25499-500 the 
holes are eccentric (fig. 8) ; in others they are well done. The drilling 
was apparently from both ends except in 1—-25500. Number 1—25498 
pl 52f) is incised with two rather poorly executed lines around the 
stem end; 1—25501 (pl. 520) is ornamented with a deep, regular groove 


252 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


where the neck swells to the.mouthpiece. Specimens 1—25501-—03 
because of the sureness of execution and perfection of form are much 
superior to the other specimens. 

In addition to the aesthetic effect secured by the worked stone itself 
specimen 1—25501 still bears the impression in adhesive material of 
two rows of small, rectangular olivella beads set around the neck near 
the mouthpiece. Number 1—25499 also has two circular olivella beads 
still stuck to its side. Whether these are remains of ornamentation 
that existed during the use of the pieces, or whether they indicate the 
preparation of the pieces for burial is not clear. In support of the 
latter view it may be noted that 1-25503 has a considerable amount of 

red paint adhering to it. 

Distribution.—It is to be regretted that the series of pipes is so 
small that the several interesting indications it offers cannot be more 
strongly emphasized. The data may be tabulated. 


Museum No. Area Depth Associations 
125498 oc, ute eee ee eee 26 11’ Skeleton and other artifacts 
125499 oc kl Bee ee 27 15’ Skeleton and other artifacts 
1—25500. |... ee eee 31 16’ Skeleton and other artifacts 
1=25501 pice ee 31 16’ Skeleton and other artifacts 
1¢-255038)| oe ol 16’ Skeleton and other artifacts 
1=255832. cate eee 32 17’ Skeleton and other artifacts 


In the first place it will be noted that not only were all pipes with 
burials but that all such burials had other artifacts. This suggests 
that owners of stone pipes were people of more than ordinary import- 
sance. This is emphasized by the fact that three out of the five pipes 
were with one body. Nelson’s pipes at Ellis landing were similarly 
associated but Uhle makes no mention of his pipes having been 
associated with burials. 

Next it will be observed that all the pipes are from one region of 
the mound. However, Uhle’s finds were in quite a different region 
although they were also localized. This horizontal distribution sug- 
gests that the pipes were brought in by groups who visited the mound 
occasionally and that all groups who visited the mound did not have 
stone pipes. In other words, it points to a non-continuous residence 
on the mound and the probability that the groups which frequented 
it came from divers places. 

The vertical distribution will bear the same interpretation. Our 
ereatest variation is from 17 feet to 11 feet deep. The time interval 
represented might well cover only the period when a given group was 
frequenting the site. Uhle’s finds were all in his stratum I], i.e., 
5 to 6 feet deep. So we have the same suggestion. At Stege no pipes 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 253 


were procured. At Ellis landing two pipes were together and they 
were within 25 feet of the third one, horizontally but about 13 feet 
vertically—possible accounted for by the slope of the then cone. 

This localization of pipes might bear an even closer interpretation 
to the effect that only a limited number of persons could possess stone 
pipes. 

As far as the data go another conclusion might be drawn from the 
Emeryville pipes. No pipes were found lower than seventeen feet 
deep. This roughly corresponds with the level where plummet-like 
stones first appeared and the two facts support one another as evi- 
dence of a change in the culture of the mound. The objection is that 
as far as our finds go there were no pipes above eleven feet either, 
whereas Uhle found several at five to six feet. This fact together with 
the localization which has been noted makes one wonder if another 
trench dug in the base of the mound might not disclose pipes. 

Usage.—It .has been assumed that these were tobacco pipes. 
Number 1-25501-03 actually contained a quantity of ashes and 
charred material (1—25502-04). For none of the others can tobacco 
smoking be proved and considering their difference in form it might 
well be that some were used for some other purpose, e.g., by a sucking 
shaman. 

It should be emphasized that in the above discussion stone pipes 
only have been dealt with. Wooden pipes were much used in Cali- 
fornia including the region north of the bay and it is reasonable to 
think that they were known to people residing on the mound. How- 
ever no archaeological evidence whatsoever bearing on this subject 
was found. Accordingly the matter of tobacco smoking must be 
passed by since stone pipes and the custom of smoking cannot be 
taken as identical. 

Plugs 


Such a designation for the short cylindrical stone objects here 
described is highly speculative, but no better suggests itself. 

From 13 feet deep, Area 6, came a highly polished sandstone 
specimen, cylindrical in form, about 26 mm. in diameter by 22 mm. 
high (1-25496, pl. 529). The sides of this object are slightly concave. 
Uhle found a somewhat similar article (1—-8671, his pl. 12, fig. 12). 
Nelson also found similar specimens at Ellis landing (his pl. 43, figs. 9 
and 10). At 25 feet deep, Area 20, we found an artifact closely 
resembling the above but with a deep groove in the side rather than 
a slight concavity, so that it somewhat resembles a spool (1-25497, 
pl. 52d). 


254 — | University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


The only possible usage which we can suggest is that offered by 
Uhle—ear-plugs or labrets.°® Their occurrence is so infrequent that 
the practice of using them could not have been very common and it 
seems possible that they came from the Sacramento-San Joaquin 
delta region. 


Plummet-like Stones and (or) Charmstones 


Form.—No absolute line can be drawn between stone artifacts 
which obviously fall outside and those which can best be treated under 
this heading. Such stones have aroused much interest because of their 
promising implications but no scheme for treating them on the basis 
of usage has been developed because the actual use for which they 
were made is still a matter for discussion.®* Accordingly, in a recent 
paper on the upper San Joaquin valley, E. W. Gifford and the author 
endeavored to develop a scheme for the classification of plummet-like 
stones which depended entirely upon their form. The major division 
depends upon whether or not pieces are perforated. Non-perforated 
pieces are then divided according to whether or not they have a pile 
at the end, 1.e., a point formed by secondary curves rather than by 
a continuation of the primary curves. Subsequently subdivisions are 
based upon the character of the pile and the ratio of the breadth to the 
length of the piece.®? This same plan will be followed here. Many of 

90 Op. cit., 59, 60. 

91 For a succinct account of these articles and a bibliography the reader is 


referred to ‘‘Plummets,’’ Handbook of American Indians, Bur. of Am. Ethn., 
Bull. 30, Part m1, 1910. 

92 The form used for the upper San Joaquin valley, with the number of 
specimens of each type classified, is as follows: Percent 

D. Perforated rics ce ernest tee sedge ween ea eh 

W. Not perforated 

A. No pile (i.e., no secondary curves at end) 
a. Spherical or egg-shaped (length not more than 
twice width) 


1, With grooving (longitudinal)... 4.9 
2. With notching (at ends). ..........c. ee 1,2 
3. Neither grooved nor notched ..........-------..---20- 6.8 
b. Spindle-shaped (length more than twice width) | 
1, With horizontal groove .2.0.. 2 1.2 
2. With notehed ‘ends: <.0...03.0 0) eae 5.6 
3. Neither grooved nor notched ..............0....... 6.8 


B. With pile (i.e., end or ends show secondary curves) 
a. Pile at one end 
1. with horizontal groove <............2....- 0.6 
Be Plaine ee saith ae 8.0 
b. Pile at both ends. One end always plain and the 
other end: 


1, Plain ete ee 24.1 
2.. With shoulders ..c ccs see 6.8 
3. With button: 222)..2 ee 8.0 
4, With nipples tesc2- 25-2 dee eer 13.0 
5. Notelied tu. .n.ccoecsostsanceuesccnsssascs eee Peale gee Sok 





1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 25 


Or 


the specimens obtained are too fragmentary to permit classification. 
Others though broken are so nearly complete as to render a olven 
classification probable. Such specimens have been classified but the 
doubt indicated by a question mark (table 11). 





TABLE 11 
PLUMMET-LIKE STONES FROM EMERYVILLE (1924-25) 

Length Diameter Ratio Per cent 

Type Max. Min. Max. Min. Max, Min. Number of total 
PER) 6 hon = 5 12.5 
Asai 6s pies eee ee 163 127 33 28 LD alors + 10.0 
NV RIGS (0) xerescns 3 7.5 
UG CVG ae 220 100 40 25 17 Oe 2D 5) 12.5 
NY SBOE Vinci ce 8 20.0 
i) AOS ee 95 35 bene 2 5.0 
WBa3(?) P4 5.0 
WHA tao 143 30 1:4.8 i 2.5 
en nes et 120 80 47 38 1:3 see 4 10.0 
Aca eee 35 18 15129 | 2.5 
Unidentifiable 5 i260 

40 100.00 


Type D. These are perforated pieces. No. 1—-26015 (pl. 538c) is a 
typical piece. The hole is biconically drilled and is nearer one end. 
Three of the five specimens are notched at this end. (One is broken 
so that this feature cannot be judged.) Three pieces are irregular 
rather than cylindrical in form (pl. 53 a-c); one approaches the 
eylindrical (pl. 53d) ; and the fifth, a broken piece, suggests a slender 
flattened spindle. It will be seen that this class constitutes a small 
part (5 per cent) of the total and this relationship is borne out in 
other collections. None of the seventeen specimens discovered by 
Uhle were of the perforated type. At Ellis landing, at Stege, and 
in the San Joaquin valley the proportion of perforated pieces is about 
the same (5 per cent). 

Type WAb3. These are specimens which are not perforated, which 
have no pile, and which are in general spindle-shaped; no. 1—25485 
(pl. 58k) is a typical piece. A further characterization of this type is 
that the ends are plain, i.e., neither grooved nor notched. An interest- 
ing point is that the greatest diameter is nearer one end than the other 
whereas in the upper San Joaquin region the greatest diameter was 
near the center, thus producing a symmetrical piece. The relationship 
between this type and types WBa2 and WBa3 is close and it will be 
noted that the three constitute 60 per cent of all specimens. The same 
preponderance seems to hold good for the specimens found by Uhle, by 
Loud at Stege, and by Nelson at Ellis landing. Since the same is by 
no means true for the upper San Joaquin valley, where specimens 


256 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


with a pile at both ends constituted more than half the whole, we seem 
to have not only a generic similarity for the specimens of a given 
region but a marked difference in detail when different regions are 
considered. | 

Type WBa2. This type (1-25463, pl. 5383p) differs from the pre- 
ceeding in having one of its ends brought more abruptly to a point, 
producing a pile. The other end is usually somewhat longer than in 
the WAb3 type, is tapering, and sometimes ends in a slight swelling 
which if enlarged a little would produce a second pile, or type WBb1. 
Its abundance has been commented upon. 

Type WBa3. This type did not occur at all in the upper San 
Joaquin region. In type WBa2 the pile was at the pointed end. Here 
the pointed end is without pile (1-25476, pl. 53e) whereas the plain 
end of the type WBa2 is swelled by secondary curves. 

Type WBad4. This is also a type not found in the upper San 
Joaquin collections. The variation consists of a notch in the end with 
the pile (1-25488, pl. 537). Since only one piece was seen it may be 
taken as an unusual variant. 

Type WBbl. This is the only type of the class with pile at both 
ends and is the simplest form of the class. It is relatively scarce— 
10 per cent of the total. Specimen 1—25473b (pl. 53f) is typical. 

Type WC. A single piece of quartz was found (1—-25471) which 
had the shape of a ‘‘charmstone’’ and which was associated with a 
group of ‘‘charmstones.’’ Hence we are led to classify it as such 
although, never having been worked, it is not identifiable with any 
of the classified forms. 

Material.—On the basis of the material of which they are made the 
plummet-like stones found by us at Emeryville may be grouped as 
follows. In this table the Franciscan sandstone and basalts, which are 
difficult to distinguish without extended analyses, are grouped 
together. 


Material Number 
Franciscan sandstone or basalt;..4....J.5..4.. ke 26 
Gran tie .icjc bee ee 3 
Limestone...) 230 eee 1 
Schiisty./.::...ccccacs. £355 4 eR ht ee a ee 2 
Steatite and (or) greenstone schist... ccccccceteeeeeeeereees fe 
QU Pb Z .osei ap cinedsncusiodee dua sagen ae etree ea eon 1 


Of Uhle’s seventeen pieces from Emeryville one was steatite, and 
the rest were of the Franciscan formations; none was of granite. At 
Ellis landing 20 per cent were steatite, the rest of Franciscan forma- 
tion. At Stege 20 per cent were of Franciscan formations and over 
50 per cent of steatite. In material then, as in form, the plummet-like 


1926] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 257 


stones of the east bay region show a generic similarity. Further, 
these materials point to local manufacture. All materials noted are 
obtainable within a few miles and the most common, the Franciscan 
formation, is that most commonly used. In fact these formations 
and the glaucophone schist are so typical of the Coast Range that the 
inference of local manufacture seems sure. The connection between 
the material of which artifacts were made and its local occurrence is 
emphasized by the large proportion of steatite at Stege, the largest 
known local deposit of that material occurring nearest to Stege. 

No absolute connection between material and form is established 
but in the perforated type steatite or greenstone schist is very 
definitely used more frequently than any other material. The relation 
may be tabulated. Fragmentary and doubtful pieces are omitted. 


Emeryville Emeryville Ellis 


Per cent of Type D made of 1924-25 1902 Landing Stege 
et Fo oc de sapssdis vceon ee secs 80 Notype D100 70 
Per cent of steatite pieces which 
2S) et 21 ee ee 60 0 80 70 


Apparently, then, this material was preferred for the perforated 
pieces. This might be accounted for by the fact that it was easier to 
drill. But this does not seem to explain why, when steatite was used, 
it was usually made up into perforated pieces. The connection may 
be due to usage. Stege was nearest the largest local supply of steatite 
and more than half of its plummet-like stones were of that material. 
It seems more reasonable to suppose that the Stege residents utilized 
the local deposit and made articles to be traded, if they were per- 
manent residents, or took advantage of the opportunity afforded by 
the visit to make themselves up a supply, if they were transients, 
rather than to think that the existence of the raw material would have 
modified the habits of the people in the use of such plummet-like stones. 

Workmanship.—The quality of workmanship is very uneven. 
Photographs tend to eliminate differences in finish but the grace, sym- 
metry, and skill required in the production of such pieces as 1—25463 
or 1—25474 (pl. 53 p or 7) may be contrasted with the lack thereof 
illustrated by 1-25482 or 1—-25487 (pl. 53 d orh). The steatite pieces, 
being formed of softer material, might be expected to exhibit the 
nicest forms. The contrary is true: the best forms are found in the 
Franciscan formations. Nor were the lowest (the oldest?) specimens 
the erudest. Rather the workmanship seems to have varied with the 
maker; and considering, for example, part of the group (1-25463-66, 
pl. 53 m—p) found with one burial, their uniform character suggests 
that the individual maker could have been detected by his work in his 


258 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


time. Remembering, however, the limited uniformity and the few 
pieces produced by a given area, horizontal or vertical, it would appear 
that no one person made any considerable number of these articles. 
This suggests that certain men made one or more for themselves. The 
group of nine pieces indicates that sometimes a considerable number 
were made; but since no other find even approximated this, the 
ordinary quantity must have been only one or two. Whether or not 
these were subsequently passed from man to man or remained the 
peculiar property of the maker is not clear. 

Little suggestion is offered by the articles as to how they were 
made. Several steatite pieces apparently in process of formation have 
peck marks on them which suggest that the piece was first roughed 
out by pecking. The symmetry of the cylindrical pieces indicates 
that the finishing was done by revolving them in a vertical position in 
a hole and the fine polish of some pieces suggests that this revolving 
was done with some mechanical aid—such as a fire drill. The pile 
could be produced by changing the size of the hole. On the whole, con- 
siderable ingenuity was required to arrive at the process but once 
discovered it seems probable that a handsome specimen could be 
turned out in a comparatively short time. 

Distribution.—In the cone there were found thirty-six whole or 
fragmentary specimens which can best be classified as plummet-like 
stones. A number of pieces were secured by other people so that 
perhaps fifty in all were noted by us. In the trenches were four 
pieces. Of the thirty-six pieces obtained from the cone seventeen were 
definitely associated with burials in five groups, namely 9, 3, 1, 2, 2. 
Some of those found by others were also with burials. Since many 
were not actually obtained an situ and since all were found in the 
central areas®® where burials were most frequent, it is probable that 

93 The horizontal distribution noted was: 


Area Associated with burials Others Total 
13 


bo 
ron 

s 

Rloscomococeomolee 

= 

CL HH HOHRHH DH Hw HHOR 

a) 

Bes Lipo ie tera noaeieden Ges eo 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 259 


the percentage of association would run high enough to indicate that 
the great majority of articles of this type were found in the cone 
because they were buried with the dead and not because they were 
lost in the course of daily life. None of the four pieces found in the 
trenches were associated with burials. 

Our data for vertical distribution in the cone are too limited to 
permit detailed analysis. Specimens were recorded from 6 feet to 
20 feet, in the area where burials were most numerous. In the trenches 
a specimen was found at the 29-foot depth. Plummet-like stones were 
evidently known from the time the mound was begun; those of its 
earlier stages (i.e., from the trenches), however, may be contrasted 
with later specimens (those from the cone). The four specimens 
from the trenches may be characterized as follows: 


Museum No. Type Depth Material Associations 

1-26012 Perforated Trench 1, dump when 

29 feet Steatite (?) Isolated 
1-26013 Perforated Trench 2, dump when 

29 feet Steatite Isolated 
1-26014 Not perforated Trench 3, dump when 

22-23 feet Sandstone Isolated 
1-26015 Perforated Trench 3, dump when 

27 feet 7 inches Steatite Isolated 


The 22—23-foot level in trench 3 had been more or less disturbed by 
the steam shovel so that it is quite possible that 1-26014 came from 
the higher levels of the cone. The three pieces of which we are sure 
show a definite similarity (pl. 53a-c). All are perforated, all are 
notched, all are of steatite, none were found in association with burials. 

Further, these similarities set the group off from those in the cone. 
Of the thirty-six specimens there only two were perforated. One of 
these (1—25482, pl. 53d) was 20 feet deep, was made of steatite, was 
not found with a burial. On the other hand, in form it more closely 
resembles those in the trenches. The second perforated specimen 
(1-25494) is entirely different from any other. It is made of glauco- 
phane schist and is in fragmentary condition but it suggests a slender 
spindle flattened on the sides and drilled toward one end. The depth 
at which it was found is unknown. In this same mound seventeen 
identifiable plummet-like stones were discovered by Uhle all from 
above the 18-foot level and all of the non-perforated types. In the 
trenches steatite is the uniform material; in the cone it is the excep- 
tion. None from the trenches were associated with burials; most of 
those in the cone were so associated. In short, the homogeneousness 
of the lower group, and its contrast to the upper group, suggest that 


260 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


the perforated specimens are objects of a different nature from the 
non-perforated ones, or that they are earlier forms of the same object. 

Since the purpose of all these stones is unknown no eriteria for 
possible differences exist, but certain possible uses can be considered 
which would appear more applicable to the lower, perforated stones 
than to those of the upper group. Sinkers for fishing is the first 
thing suggested. An objection to such a purpose is their elaborateness. 
Simpler pieces of more common material would have served the pur- 
pose as well and were actually used as specimens recovered show. 
Still the same reasoning would eliminate much of the modern fisher- 
man’s equipment. While the hole would have enabled the piece to 
be securely fastened to a line, there seems no purpose for the groove. 
Neither holes nor grooves show the wear of a cord which would be 
expected after use in fishing. The pieces might have been used for 
pendants as steatite was widely used for this ornament. The drilling 
in the smaller end suggests a pendant. It is true that they seem rather 
large for ornaments (1—26015 is 77 by 35 mm.) but Heye shows steatite 
pendants nearly as large from San Miguel island.®* Also the per- 
forated pieces are smaller and lighter than the non-perforated ones. 
It is possible that these perforated pieces were effigies. Number 
1—26013 (pl. 538b) strongly suggests an animal’s head, the hole form- 
ing the eye, the groove the mouth; 1—-26015 (pl. 53c) might represent 
an entire whale, the eye and mouth being again represented and the 
tail set off by a heavy incised line. Putnam believed that he found 
effigies of whales in the Santa Barbara region,®* and Uhle thought that 
one of the specimens (1—8850) he recovered at Emeryville was the 
effigy of a bird. That many specimens do not resemble effigies can 
be accounted for; but it would appear that better representations 
could have been produced by the aborigines if effigies were really 
wanted. If the specimens of the lower group were effigies we would 
have an explanation for the development of ‘‘charmstones.’’ Magical 
qualities would no doubt be assigned to effigies and though the form 
might change the supernatural association would endure. 

The author does not lean to the opinion that an evolutionary 
development is revealed by these stones, but the data may be arranged 
to support such a view. Only the perforated type which might have 
evolved from a pendant to an effigy or fetich was found in the lower 
levels. In its simplest form it is a drilled and notched pebble (1—26012, 
pl. 53a). In the secondary form such realism as had been attained 


94 Op. cit., pl. 24. 95 Op. cit., 220. 


1926 ] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 261 


is being supplanted by conventionalization and a more cylindrical 
shape is shown (1—26015, pl. 53c). In the third form all resemblance 
to the pebble is lost and the characteristic plumb-bob shape appears 
(1-25482, pl. 538d). (This specimen from 20 feet deep is. the last of 
the perforated pieces as the higher levels are approached.) In the 
fourth step the hole is lost and a neck replaces it (1—25476, pl. 53e). 
From this point diverge the various more elaborate forms, usually 
through the development of longer pieces and an elaboration of an 
end. The objection to such a theory is that specimens may be arranged 
in such an ascending series in the laboratory but they were not found 
in the required temporal sequence (using depth as an indicator). 
For example, 1—-25475 which is similar to 1-25476, our fourth step, 
came from the 6-foot level of the mound and was therefore above 
the types it should precede.*® 

Turning to the non-perforated types we find that all of Uhle’s 
identifiable specimens (17) were non-perforated and from above the 
18-foot level. Excepting a single doubtful piece we found no non- 
perforated pieces below 20 feet. Apparently then at the time when 
the mound was 10 or 12 feet high a definite change occurred. One 
type was replaced by another, or at least a new type arrived on the 
scene. This new type was not rudimentary but came as a fully 
developed product which showed little subsequent refinement. Our 
interpretation of this would be that the people using the mound were 
replaced by newcomers differing from any previous inhabitants. 

Usage.—Although there are transitional forms as has been dis- 
cussed above in some detail, nevertheless there is a similarity about 
the shape of these pieces that must have been dictated by the practical 
requirements of the use to which they were put or which depended 
upon custom and traditional association. What such a use might 
have been has been discussed in detail by the authorities mentioned 
above. It is the intention here to add only the suggestions that occur 
to us from a contemplation of the Emeryville specimens. The per- 
forated type has been discussed and in the following discussion we 
consider only the non-perforated types. 

The long delicate forms (1—25463, pl. 53p) in such easily broken 
material seem to preclude any very rigorous use such as fishing. On 
the other hand, 1—25487 (pl. 53h), which is of the same type but less 
than a third as long, would stand very hard treatment. Another 


96 The lack of vertical distribution data does not permit us to adduce 
specimens from Stege or Ellis landing in support of either view. 


262 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


argument against rigorous usage is the shape of the pieces, which is 
such that it would be very difficult to fasten anything to them which 
would withstand much wear. 

There is definite evidence in this connection. One end of these 
specimens (always placed toward the top in pl. 53 q. v.) is farthest 
from the center of gravity, is more gradually tapered and less pointed, 
giving somewhat the appearance of a shank. On account of the frag- 
mentary condition of some specimens we have only fifteen complete 
examples of this end. In some cases the tip is not further specialized 
(1-25474, pl. 532); in others it is slightly swelled at the very end 
(1-25463, pl. 53p); and in still others this swelling becomes very 
definite (1-25488, pl. 537). On eight of the fifteen pieces there still 
remains on this end of the specimens more or less adhesive material 
such as asphaltum or pitch extending over a space of from 10 to 
20 mm. (1—-25473-c, pl. 53g; or, 1-25485, pl. 538k). In this are 
impressions of cord or twine. Obviously, then, this end was definitely 
specialized as the end used for attaching the stones to other articles. 
If the stones were suspended by a cord this end was always uppermost 
and for purposes of convenience it may accurately be called the top. 
It will be noted that the drilled end of the perforated pieces is likewise 
the top. A cord wrapped around 10 to 20 mm. of a tapering stone 
(or one with a slight button at best) and subjected to the weight of 
the stone would not withstand very hard usage. It is possible that the 
stones were placed in a sack or bag of skin the mouth of which was 
gathered around the top and fastened with a cord. So prepared the 
fastening would be very secure. The polish of the stones makes such 
mounting appear improbable. Instead of being suspended by a cord 
it is possible that the cord bound something to the stone. On one 
specimen (1—-25479) there is an impression in the adhesive material 
such as might have been made by a feather and this suggests that the 
stones might have been handles for feather bunches used in dances. 
Breaks in the cord impression point to its use as a binder. In short, 
the evidence of fastening seems to eliminate such uses as pestles, 
sinkers, weaving, or spinning implements, ete., for these plummet-like 
stones. 2 

The material used offers no conclusive indications of use. The 
use of a rare material might imply a mystical regard for the pieces. 
Loud found one piece of actinolite (1-23300) and Uhle one of hema- 
tite (1-8925). However Loud’s specimen is not a typical specimen*’ 


97 Op. cit., pl. 19, fig. 8. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound | 263 


and the re-identification which we had made of specimen 1—8925 deter- 
mines it as one of the Franciscan formations and not hematite. 
Apparently then the most common raw material was that most ordi- 
narily used and no valuation due to rarity can be attached. In the 
upper San Joaquin valley the specimens appeared to have been made 
of material selected for its beauty but of local origin. The material 
does suggest that whatever the use of the pieces it was well known 
before the people came to the shellmound. 

In discussing workmanship the speculation was advanced that each 
individual made only one (or very few) such pieces. Such would not 
appear to be likely if they were intended for a practical purpose. But 
if a person arriving at a certain stage—physical, emotional, or mate- 
rial—had been allowed to acquire and keep, or use one of these stones 
in commemoration or celebration of the event, then such a person at 
such a time would make his piece, and their production would be 
diverse in quality and limited in quantity. On the other hand stylistic 
variations might be taken to refute the use of the pieces as charm- 
stones. If made by many men, it may be claimed that what everybody 
does is not likely to possess a magical character. 

The frequent association of this type of artifact with burials gives 
no indication of their use since all types of articles were so associated. 
However, the fact that in some eases, at least, the specimens were 
‘‘killed’’ for burial is suggestive. No ‘‘killed’’ ornaments were found 
by us. This would eliminate the use of plummet-like stones as 
ornaments. 

While the actual reconstruction of specimens from fragments 
(pl. 53 m—p) enabled us to prove ‘‘killing’’ in certain instances, it 
seems more than prebable that a great many other fragments are 
really due to this custom of ‘‘killing.’’ Bancroft as cited by Uhle%® 
interpreted the fact that such stones were usually mutilated as indi- 
cating breakage in use and consequently practical uses. It would seem 
that the ‘‘killing’’ would explain the mutilation as well as the other 
suggestion. 

To sum up: as far as the Emeryville evidence goes it would seem 
more likely that these pieces were used for ceremonial purposes than 
for practical ones. 

No matter what their original use, a number of pieces offer suggestions of 
secondary usage. Quite a few are pecked and clipped as though they had been 


used as hammers, 1—25482, pl. 53d). The same piece is worn down at the end 
as though used as a pestle. Others have their sides flattened as though used as 


98 Op. cit., 53. 


264 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [ Vol. 23 


a whetstone or for polishing. No. 1-25473b (pl. 53f), the granite piece, is a 
notable example. Modern Indians have shown great superstitious awe of these 
stones and it seems principally due to such opinions that the pieces came to be 
regarded as ‘‘charmstones,’’99 Hence it may be noted that the very prosaic 
uses to which these pieces were put by some of the aborigines implies a definite 
lack of respect and an ignorance of the idea of their having magical qualities. 


Rubbing Stones and. Whetstones 


In both the cone and the trenches fragments were noted which 
appeared to be parts of stones used for polishing or sharpening. One 
of these pieces showing a groove, probably from sharpening awls, is 
shown in plate 54e (1-25953). This was from the bottom of the 
mound in trench 2. Another from nearly as deep in trench 3 is shown 
in plate 54b (1-25955). 

The specimen (1—26532) shown in plate 54k was probably used as 
a whetstone. 

Sinkers 


These articles are remarkable for their absence. Only one specimen, 
a standstone pebble grooved around the center, was recovered from the 
entire mound (1—25495, pl. 54a). Uhle got one such stone and three 
of a somewhat similar character. Sinkers were plentiful at West 
Berkeley, very abundant at Stege, and comparatively scarce at Ellis 
landing. Since all are made from material readily procurable from 
any site, this variation in frequency of occurrence must indicate a 
change of occupation. Considering the nearness of these sites to one 
another and the absolute absence of any physical bar to communica- 
tion between them, it seems impossible to suppose that this evidence 
from the sites can properly be taken to characterize the culture of a 
people constantly located on the given site. The contemporaneous 
existence of two (eg., Stege and Emeryville) markedly different 
cultures within sight of one another would be very remarkable. Hence 
we are inclined to take such evidence as characterizing the place rather 
than the people. Stege was a good place for fishing; Emeryville for 
shelifish gathering and sea-otter hunting. But the same groups of 
people may have occupied both sites and engaged in both occupations 
during the course of their existence. 

99 However all ethnological data do not point in the same direction. Gifford 


took some charmstones to Central Miwok Indians in Tuolumne county. The 
names and uses given by his informants there were as follows: 


Name Use 
Long slender type Kaiyana Fire drill with buckeye hearth 
Round type Hakuna To rub deer skins 
Perforated type Hikaani In spinning 


The generic name was lépipa. To both Gifford and the author this sounds like 
manufactured information. 


bo 
for) 
oO 


1926] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 


ARTICLES OF STONE (UNWORKED) 
Crystals 


Associated with each of three burials in the cone were quartz 
erystals, 1-25449 and 1—25553 (pl. 47h-j). All of these burials were 
more elaborate than ordinary and the crystals were more or less 
covered with paint. Uhle recovered a erystal (1-8791, his pl. 2, fig. 9) 
the base of which had been inlaid with olivella beads on asphaltum. 
This was also with a burial and 23 feet deep. Ellis landing yielded a 
considerable number of crystals but generally without data as to 
depths or associations. Evidently such articles were highly prized 
and were possibly part of a shaman’s equipment. Whether or not they 
were known during the early history of Emeryville is uncertain, the 
data being insufficient to warrant a guess. 


**Koluths’’ 


Uhle collected a number of very simple chert fragments (his pls. 6, 
1-18) which he considered the handiwork of man. He believed that 
they were more abundant in the lower part of the mound. This 
relative abundance connected with the primitive character of the 
pieces seemed to Uhle evidence of the great antiquity of the mound. 

Similar specimens were found by us and on page 175 we have set 
down the quantity of chert found at the different depths in the 
trenches. Such figures are not very complete but they seem to show 
that chert was as abundant in the top part of the trenches as at the 
bottom. All chert was not in the form of these fragments, but there 
is so little to distinguish one fragment from another that the total 
amount seems the best index. 

To the writer these pieces show no signs whatsoever of having been 
retouched. Hammerstones of the same chert were used and it is pos- 
sible that in such use fragments were knocked off these hammerstones. 
Beyond this possibility the fragments must be regarded as on a par 
with the ‘‘eoliths’’ of Europe the non-human occurrence of which is 
described by Boule.*°° Loud suggests that they are work-shop chips 
but there are two objections to this. In the first place they do not 
appear in concentrated form. One cache of several chert pebbles was 
found, but the fragments seem to be thinly and fairly evenly distri- 


100 M. Boule, Fossil Men (English ed., 1923), pp. 111-137. 


266 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


buted. In the next place only one chipped stone artifact of this 
material was found (1-25998) whereas there were a number of 
obsidian pieces. After all, the possible eolithic nature of such pieces 
seems rather aside from the point for they would not determine the 
cultural horizon of any area. Where they were found, well-chipped 
obsidian, inlaid bone beads, mortars, etc., were also found. 


Hammerstones 


A number of pieces of chert were collected (1—25938-46) which 
gave evidence of having been used for pounding. Such usage of this 
chert probably accounts for the small chert chips found and which 
Uhle thought were eoliths. The chips would be knocked off during 
the hammering. The vertical distribution of such stones seemed 
rather uniform beginning at the bottom of the mound. They were 
particularly noticeable in the trenches although this is probably due 
to the manner in which we worked. 

A lump of greenstone schist of about the right size and weight for 
a good hammer was recovered from an unknown depth. This is the 
only piece seen which suggests a groove for lashing on a handle and 
even here the groove is far from evident. See plate 54n (1—-26534). 


Mica Ornaments 


Hight lots of mica ornaments were recovered from the cone. Five 
of these were actually with burials and it seems probable that all were 
originally so associated before being disturbed by the shovel. As the 
burials usually yielded other artifacts, our conclusion is that these 
articles were of unusual value. The ornaments are in the form of 
more or less circular discs both drilled and undrilled (1—25539-40, 
pl. 47 a-e, and 1—25538, pl. 47 f-g). The drilling is both biconical 
and from one side. Such pieces were probably pendants. Just how 
the undrilled dises were used is not clear. There was considerable 
variation in size—from 25 by 18 mm. to 73 by 45 mm. On account of 
the nature of the material these specimens have flaked off into a num- 
ber of pieces. (There are about 100 pieces in the eight lots.) Hence 
it is difficult to tell the original number actually present. Still a 
concentration of a number of pieces with a single body is again 
evident. No such artifacts were recovered from the trenches or from 
deeper than 20 feet. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 267 


Miscellaneous 


Here and there among the stone material turned over were noted 
pebbles or fragments that were possibly artifacts. Some.of these were 
collected and are here commented on although the author is inclined to 
think that in many eases their inclusion as articles used by the 
aborigines is more due to selection on our part than on the part of the 
mound-dwellers. 

Pebbles of several sorts were noted. Some were egg-shaped and 
might have been selected with the intention of using them for sinkers, 
sling stones (pl. 547), ete., but nothing actually indicates such use. 
Several quartz pebbles—much water-worn—seemed rather flattened 
at one end somewhat as though they had been partly worked into 
pendants but no such pendants were seen. A large peculiarly shaped 
chalcedony concretion was noted which might have been of value 
because of its unusual shape and material (1—25447, pl. 549g). <Asso- 
ciated with the burial with the nine charmstones were sixteen pebbles. 
This association may have been accidental or the pebbles may have had 
significance. Sometimes it seemed that there was an unusual number 
of small pebbles or gravel near skulls. This was ordinary water-worn 
gravel such as found in Temescal creek. Chert pebbles and fragments 
are dealt with elsewhere. We saw a couple of pebbles shaped like the 
‘“snakes’ heads’’ (1—25439, pl. 47p) found in the upper San Joaquin 
valley collections. Uhle got a piece which he took to be the effigy of a 
bird. But since all these pieces are unworked and were not associated 
with burials their relation to man must remain questionable. 

In addition to the fragments elsewhere described which could be 
recognized as parts of artifacts a few others may be noted. Number 
25947 found 25 feet deep had one side stained with red paint when 
found and might have been an anvil. Flat slabs were noted in the 
cone which could have been used to cook on. From the bottom of the 
mound in trench 3 came fragments suggesting a shallow basin or dish. 


Paint 


Evidences of paint were frequent in the central portion of the 
mound and in the trenches. Thirty-eight lots were collected, of which 
three were yellow paint (ferric hydroxide). This was apparently the 
raw material from which red paint (ferric oxide) was made, for upon 
being heated and allowed to cool it becomes red. A number of red 


268 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


pieces suggested this stage in the process of preparation. Other lumps 
consisted of material apparently ready for use (1—-25506, pl. 54h). 
Paint was found on bones and artifacts, in thin layers under burials 
and elsewhere and in lumps without particular associations. 

In the trenches red paint mixed with ash or sand was several times 
noted extending in a thin layer over a considerable area. One notable 
example at the depth of 25 feet 3 inches in trench 2 covered about 
10 feet of the west end of the trench extending into the surrounding 
banks (1-26030 is a sample of this material). Under this was a layer 
of white ash particularly concentrated in spots and above it was 
charcoal. The skull of skeleton 12-3799 was well imbedded in this 
layer. A similar layer was observed in the east end of the same 
trench—at least 10 feet long and at a depth of 29 feet 3 inches. This 
layer (red paint and charcoal) varied from one-eighth of an inch to 
one inch in thickness. These layers suggest house floors. 

This paint is the ordinary iron oxide used for similar purposes 
throughout the world. Its presence at a depth of 30 feet (at the clay 
substratum) and its common use at 29 feet 3 inches for a widespread 
layer indicate that it. was well known in early mound times. Mr. 
Bennett, chemist of the Sherwin, Williams Paint Co., who kindly 
examined and tested some of the paint, stated that it occurs commonly 
throughout the mountains of California. It is usually found in the 
yellow state. It is to be expected that the raw material would exceed 
the finished product in quantity whereas the reverse is true. The 
probability is that it was prepared elsewhere than on the mound— 
either at the source of supply or at another place of residence. 


ARTICLES OF WOOD 


No actual artifacts of wood were found. Here and there when 
skeletons were unearthed the decomposed material suggested wood, 
but no form could be observed. In places the mound material still 
bore impressions of posts or poles (1—25546—-47). One specimen of 
(probably) mineralized wood was obtained (1—-25556). This was with 
a skeleton at 20 feet in Area 20 with which were other artifacts. It 
was not fashioned and was apparently prized because it was unusual. 


1926] Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 269 


TEXTILES AND CORDAGE 


While, unfortunately, we have but a single piece of direct evidence 
of the presence of textiles, that piece is a most important one. It 
comes from the very bottom of the mound (30 feet deep in trench 1) 
and establishes at once that the people who first came to the site were 
already familiar with the art of basketry. This specimen (1—25958, 
pl. 47s) is a small piece of clay bearing the impression of several rows 
of basketry work, two of which are quite clear for some 20 mm. A 
positive in wax of this impression is shown in plate 47 q, r._ Opinions 
as to technique differ. To the author the basketry appears to be of 
the coiled type, four and one-half stitches per 10 mm. The large 
number of awls may be adduced as strengthening this opinion as well 
as the probability, at least, that the coiled basketry type was made 
throughout the time the site was occupied. 

In Area 28 were found some carbonized fragments indicating cord- 
age and possibly basketry (1—-25548). Two cords were detected, both 
2-ply. One is about 214 mm. in diameter, the other about 5mm. These 
larger strands may have been worked up into twined basketry. Their 
relative association suggests this and that a vessel was burned is sug- 
gested by a charred material which has protected the cordage and 
which might have been the asphaltum lining of a basket. 

From Area 30, at 10 feet deep, another fragment of carbonized 
material was recovered. This shows a 2-ply loosely twisted cord about 
10 mm. in diameter. 

As mentioned in connection with plummet-like stones, some of 
these stones carry impressions in asphaltum of cords. Not much can 
be detected from these impressions, but in one case (1—-25485) quite a 
small (not over 34 mm. in diameter) closely twisted cord is indicated. 

Whistles also gave evidence of the use of cords. 

Although the direct evidence is so slender, not much was to have 
been expected on account of the fragile and perishable nature of such 
articles. Suggestions of textiles are found in the arrangement of 
beads in the form of caps and possibly small capes, in the presence of 
sinkers for nets, in the many cooking stones, ete. In short, it seems 
reasonable to suppose that the Emeryville inhabitants always had a 
knowledge of cordage and basketry, that such things played an import- 
ant part in their economy, but that no knowledge of higher textile 
forms was possessed. 


270 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


SUMMARY 


The variety of articles of material culture which the Emeryville 
mound yielded can best be seen by a glance at the table of contents. 
An attempt is made in table 12 to characterize some of the principal 
elements. This is offered as a convenience rather than as a scientific 
precis. It should not be used without reference to the detailed 
explanations and qualifications previously recorded. 

One is first struck by the evenness of the culture displayed. The 
abundance of bone work, the quality of ground stone work, the rather 
limited use of shell, the great scarcity of chipped stone, and the entire 
absence of pottery characterize all sections of the mound. On a closer 
view the differences in detail are almost as striking. Not only are no 
two articles the same but the variation is so great that several types 
of almost any given article can be observed. These types do not occur 
in an evolutionary series with the crudest below and the higher forms 
above. Nor does there appear to be any evidence of stratification in 
which a given type characterizes all of a certain horizontal section. 
The differences are rather localized, and this localization or concen- 
tration is emphasized by the frequent grouping of several artifacts of 
a given type in one spot. Such localization suggests the residence of 
different groups upon the mound. A few types of artifacts do sug- 
gest that articles were unknown in the earlier stages of the mound 
that later came into use, e.g., non-perforated charmstones, stone pipes, 
mica ornaments, ‘‘killed’’ mortars. On the other hand, such essential 
elements as basketry, chipped stone implements, shell ornaments, 
whistles, fishhooks, etc., were known from the earliest times. In short, 
our data present very little if any evidence of an improvement in the 
culture of the people during the life of the mound. 

An explanation of the conclusion just stated seems necessary. 
Reviewing the articles of material culture, a number could be found 
which were noted only above the 17—22-foot level of the mound; while 
a few types (notably, perforated charmstones) occurred only in the 
lower portions. In other words there seems considerable evidence 
that a general cultural change took place at about that level. Both 
Uhle and Nelson believed that somewhere in the vicinity of this level 
such a change could be observed. This change would be of primary 
interest. Why then is the possibility not dwelt on in detail? 

The objection is that the evidence only superficially supports the 
hypothesis. The details of Uhle’s material evidence and of his theory 


Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 271 


1926] 


Articles of 


Asphaltum 
Bone 


Clay 
European make 
Horn 


Shell 


Stone (chipped) 
Stone (ground) 


Stone (unworked) 


Wood 
Textiles and 


cordage 


TABLE 12 


SUMMARY OF THE MAIN ELEMENTS OF THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE EMERYVILLE SHELLMOUND 


Type 


Awls 
Fleshers 
Whistles 


Fishhooks 
Wedges 


Beads 
Discs 
Mortars 


Pipes 

Plummet-like 
(perforated) 

Plummet-like 
(non-perforated) 

Sinkers 

Crystals 

“Eoliths”’ 

Mica 

Paint 


Textiles 
Cordage 


Occurrence 


Plentiful 
Most abundant 


Very abundant 

Very abundant 

Plentiful 
(grouped) 

Practically none 

None 

Plentiful 

Few 

Plentiful 

Plentiful (con- 
centrated) 

Plentiful (con- 
centrated) 

Few 

Very scarce 

1 to 7 bodies 


Very few 
Few 


Fairly plentiful 


1 only 
Very few 
None 
Very few 
Plentiful 


None 
Twice 
Plentiful 


Distribution 


Throughout 
Throughout 


Throughout 
Throughout 
Throughout 





Throughout 
More in bottom 
Throughout 
Throughout 


Throughout 
Throughout 
Throughout 
Throughout 


None below 17’ 
Below 20’ 


Mostly above 20’ 


? 
Throughout 


Above 20’ 
Throughout 


Throughout 
Throughout 


Uses 


Adhesive 


Great variety— 
utilitarian 


Utilitarian 








Ornamental 
Ornamental 
Ornamental 
Weapons 
Tobacco smoking 
Uncertain 


Ceremonial 


Fishing 
Ceremonial 


Ornamental 
Ornamental and 


Associations 
with burials 


Generally with 
Generally not 


None 
None 
Generally with 


Generally not 
None 

None 

Practically always 


Practically always 
Practically always 
Generally with 
Generally with 


Always with 
None 


Generally with 


None 
Always with 


Always with 
Generally with 
ceremonial 


Remarks 
More used on non-utilitarian objects 


Many types 


Notable aesthetically 


Composite type 
Imply wood working 


Mostly olivella. Rectangular type not in lower portion. 

Abalone only. Styles localized. 

Mostly obsidian. Finds concentrated 

Several types: fine workmanship: one ornamented. 
Frequently ‘‘killed.’”’ Types localized 

Concentrated. Type—tubular, every pipe different 

Steatite. Proto-type of non-perforated? 


Concentrated. Several “killed.” 
asphaltum. 
Remarkable for absence. Plentiful in nearby sites. 


Top indicated by 


Basketry only found 
2-ply twist 


272 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


of change based on a change in the angle of mound material deposi- 
tion have already been examined in the preceeding pages. It seemed to 
us that the theory depended more on the a priori assumption of its 
probability than on the evidence adduced. Nelson’s views (still in 
manuscript form) are not so definite. He brings out the possibility 
of a general level having been established before the cone started to 
grow and then this general level acting as a catch for much later 
material which would roll down the sides of the growing cone. It does 
not seem, however, that the material he actually recovered supports 
this view or his more important hypothesis that the evidences of mate- 
rial culture if arranged as found from the bottom to the top of the 
mound will exhibit a series of increasing complexity. Our own evi- 
dence supported neither Uhle nor Nelson in detail. Hence its support 
of the theory of a general cultural change seemed open to question. 

However, the main reason for doubting our own evidence pointing 
to a general cultural change at the 17—22-foot level is the extraordinary 
coincidence that the plane of such a change should coincide with the 
plane at which we changed from steam shovel work to hand work. 
Below 17-22 feet the material handled was examined with great care, 
but less than 250 cubie yards were turned over. Above, the emphasis 
must be placed on the great volume handled—some 26,500 cubie yards. 
Now if one were dealing with uniform material, increased care might 
compensate for decreased volume. But when it is recalled how loecal- 
ized the finds were it seems that the two methods are almost certain to 
give different results which may complement one another on the whole 
but which cannot be brought together in detail. For example: no pipes 
were found in the trenches, in the cone six were found. Is it safe to 
assume that no pipes existed in the lower cultural area until at least 
4400 cubic yards of material were handled instead of 250 cubic yards? 
(4400 plus cubic yards was the average amount of material per pipe 
in the cone). From the opposite point of view, the intensive trench 
methods were more likely to disclose the exceptional find. According 
to evidence actually obtained, basketry was known only at the bottom 
of the mound. Had our single certain specimen been obtained from 
a depth of say 16 feet, the trend of speculation would be obvious. In 
short there appears to be more ground for considering the changes at 
about the 17—22-feet level as being due to methods of work than to 
differences of fact. 

Finally, is there evidence of a general cultural change even in this 
plane where a number of differences seem to fall? Neither Uhle nor 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 273 


Nelson dwell upon the differences discernible in different horizontal 
areas. A number of such localizations have been mentioned by us. 
These differences seem as definite and as profound as the changes in 
different vertical areas. For example: cremation was not noted 
above 28 feet 7 inches deep, but neither was cremation the only method 
of disposing of the dead at that level. Rectangular olivella beads were 
not found below 17 feet deep, but ring type olivella beads were found 
only in the northwest perimeter. Pipes were not found below 17 feet 
deep, but three out of five pipes were with one burial. Our conclusion 
is that to emphasize the vertical differences more than the horizontal 
ones seems unwarranted. If a theory of occasional visits will account 
for the horizontal changes, so it will for the similar vertical ones 
which were observed. 

Comparing the material culture with that of other mounds on the 
east shore of San Francisco bay, one notes an essential similarity. A 
few differences exist such as the greater use of steatite at Stege and 
the practical absence of net-sinkers at Emeryville. On the whole, 
however, these do not seem to be more significant than those differences 
which can be observed in different parts of a given mound. 

Broader comparisons are difficult. Little material for the adjacent 
regions is available. Yet it seems obvious that an enlargement of our 
field of comparisons would help to explain some of the differences. 
For example, the practice of cremation, the use of obsidian, and of 
porous basalt mortars is limited on our mound. All these traits are 
more common in the region north of the bay. The delta region yields 
a greater abundance of shell work and of pipes. The inference which 
the writer is inclined to draw from this is that groups from those 
nearby regions were represented from time to time upon the mound. 
Whether or not such an inference is justified, it is clear that no specific 
shellmound type of culture existed. The culture indicated is inti- 
mately related to that of the surrounding regions. Moreover it is of 
the low level generally characteristic of the central California Indian 
at the advent of the white man. 


University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


274 


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1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 275 


GENERAL SUMMARY 


Any connected account of the history of the Emeryville shellmound 
and its inhabitants must be largely hypothetical. Yet since such 
accounts have been offered of the shellmounds, an attempt is made to 
set down by way of summary a brief interpretation of the evidence 
examined. 


ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE MOUND 


From time to time groups of people from the surrounding country 
came to the seashore at the mouth of Temescal creek. Their primary 
purposes in coming were to gather shellfish from the beds existing 
there and to hunt sea-otter which abounded in the bay. It is probable 
that they came at that season when these things could be best 
obtained—not only taking care of their present needs, but drying and 
pounding up the shellfish for future food supplies and taking the 
otter skins for clothing. 

The first people who came to the site camped just above the shore 
line, possibly on little hommocks at the edge of the marsh.1* As shell- 
fish were obtained, the shells were thrown aside, and these with the 
by-products of daily life increased the height of the camp ground 
and gradually crept out into the marsh where the first shell thrown 
aside might have been several inches below the water level. As the 
shell area increased, subsequent people utilized it because it was drier, 
placing their camps, perhaps, over what had previously been marsh. 
At the time of the arrival of the first comers the topography of the 
region was possibly much the same as now. No certain evidence of 
land subsidence or cataclysmic changes since the beginning of the 
mound exists. This shell area grew until it covered some hundreds of 
thousands of square feet marked by several cones, the highest of which 
was some 30 or 35 feet above the original camp. 


CHARACTERISTICS OF THE INHABITANTS 


The people who first settled on the Emeryville site were essentially 
the same as those who last used it. But all the groups who used it 
were not identical. Indications of the differences exist but the data 

101M. S. Nicol reports that at the West Berkeley shellmound he obtained 


two skeletons and a number of artifacts at a depth of four and one-half feet 
under the lowest shell, in the clay substratum. 


276 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 238 


do not permit an attempt at reconstruction. Taking the mound’s 
inhabitants as a whole, some of their characteristics may be stated. 

Fires and basketry were known from the beginning and food was 
probably cooked in baskets into which hot stones were thrown. Water 
fowl and deer were plentiful and were freely obtained by means of 
snares, traps, and wooden weapons rather than by bows and stone- 
tipped arrows. At the same time the people were able to obtain sea 
food, hunting the sea-otter, perhaps with balsa rafts. Acorns, seeds, 
and other vegetable food were used as the plentiful presence of mortars 
attests. Fish were caught by hook and line but not in nets. Wood 
was worked with horn wedges and partly wooden shelters of some 
kind were constructed. Warfare was infrequent since few bodies show 
signs of having been killed. Obsidian weapons in the mounds suggest 
that the enemies came from across the bay. 

From the time of the first settlers some idea of aesthetic expression 
existed. Shell was worked into ornaments. Pipes, whistles, mortars, 
and clothing were decorated with beads. In form, charmstones and 
pipes indicate an appreciation of line. Whistles were decorated with 
simple geometric designs as were also abalone discs. Beads were 
shingled on caps in designs. 

That social distinctions existed is indicated by the differences in 
burial practices. Some bodies were accompanied by many articles; 
others by none. This was noted even in infant burials. Special groups 
of objects—pipes, or whistles, or charmstones—with given individuals 
point to definite social positions or specialization of occupation. 

The existence of cults is suggested by objects of a ceremonial nature 
such as crystals and charmstones. Whistles and the implied music. 
and possibly dancing point the same way. Considering the existence 
but searcity of tobacco pipes it is possible that smoking also was of a 
ceremonial nature. 

Burial was the common method of disposing of the dead but erema- 
tion was known. The care used in disposing of the dead varied, but 
most frequently sufficient attention was given burial to warrant our 
believing that it was attended with considerable ceremony. Orna- 
ments, if possessed, were buried with the dead, other artifacts fre- 
quently. In many cases these were ‘‘killed’’ or broken. The corpse 
was fiexed and possibly placed with the head always toward the sea. 
Paint was freely used in adorning the body. Shell discs were: fre- 
quently placed over the eyes, ears, mouth, and other openings. of the 
body. Bodies were not placed in a graveyard although they do seem 
to have been in groups near the dwelling places. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 277 


In short, although we are dealing with a very simple people our 
evidence all points to an equal level of development in the dwellers on 
the Emeryville site. A group at a given time differs from that of 
another time, but the general degree of sophistication attained by the 
first is equivalent to that of the last. The differences when worked out 
will permit us to trace cultural relations with adjacent. territories 
rather than to disclose the evolutionary cultural development of one 
eroup. | 

AGE OF THE MOUND 


In the above summary, the time element has purposely been left 
aside. More widespread interest has been shown in this phase of the 
problem than in any other phase. This warrants our embarking on a 
discussion that must be speculative. 

The absolute age of the mound would be the time of accumulation 
plus some period equal to the time the mound was not in use. From 
the skeletal data we have arrived at a time of accumulation (see 
page 203). The other factor may now be considered. 

Was residence on the mound continuous? It has been seen that 
the skeletal data obtained when considered with reference to the vary- 
ing rate of mound accumulation seemed to point. to non-continuous 
residence. It has also been noted from the evidences of material 
culture recovered that whereas no’regular or suggestive differences 
eould be discovered in different vertical strata such as might have 
indicated evolutionary changes due to time, yet localized differences 
do appear in different portions of the mound—horizontal and vertical. 
These differences we took to be due to the fact that different groups 
of people lived on the mound at different times, i.e., residence was 
non-contiuous. The sites of the different mounds themselves suggest 
non-continuous residence. Stege was a good fishing place; Emeryville 
a resort for shellfish. In the autumn rains furnished drinking water 
and wild fowl were plentiful at Ellis landing; but during the winter 
time it was very exposed and wood was not convenient, while during 
the summer time drinking water must have been problematical. 
During such adverse seasons the neighboring hills or river valleys 
would have offered more protection and food. Our knowledge of the 
habits of Indians suggests a non-continuous residence on one site. To 
quote instances of seasonal or periodic shiftings would be tedious, but 
a couple relating to shellfish may be recalled. Strong has already 
been quoted to show seasonal visits to places where shellfish could be 
obtained. Abbott states that ‘‘tribes came from long distances to make 


278 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.  [Vol. 23 


autumnal visits to our (Atlantic) sea coast.’’°? The Tasmanians’ 
accumulated large shell heaps, and the Australians ‘‘immense mounds 
of shells.’’*°* As in none of these cases has it been shown that the 
culture of the shellmounds differed from that of the nearby interior 
regions, we can only assume that the interior peoples are responsible 
for the mounds which they accumulated during periodic visits. At 
Rancho San Antonio del Mar in Baja California, the author has noted 
shell heaps left by Indians who within the last twenty-five years made 
seasonal (winter) visits to that spot. 

Granted non-continuous residence on the mound sites, we are con- 
fronted with the question—how long were they dwelt on each year? 
Here it seems that one man’s guess is as good as another’s and guesses 
would differ for different mounds. Considering the very favorable 
location at Emeryville, residence there during six months out of each 
year would not appear unreasonable. 

The next unknown factor is the time which may have elapsed due 
to abandonments of the site for several years. Again only a guess can 
be advanced, but it seems a speculative possibility that a site as favor- 
able as Emeryville would be occupied, except for seasonal absences, 
continuously from its first occupation to its final abandonment. 
Finally there is the time which has elapsed from the mound’s final 
abandonment to the present. There is no evidence as to when Emery- 
ville was left. It was apparently not occupied when Fages passed in 
1772, but Indians seem to have been along this shore of the bay, where 
this is a principal site, after the Spanish arrival. Hence the author 
would incline to the belief that the site was occupied as long as Indians 
frequented the east shore of the bay. 

On this speculative basis then the author’s opinion would lean to 
the following maximum age for the cone at Emeryville and its 
immediate base. 


Time of accumulation of cone removed..............:.ccccccecccceeees 215 years 
Time of accumulation of estimted base...........0.....::cceeeeee 215 years 

Addition because residence on the mound was for only 6 
months each year.i3i.00 a kcse doe ee 430 years 
Addition for abandonments and reoccupation......................... 0 years 
Final abandonment tq 1924). 2.5. 20. 140 years 
Total aged ite cicinse le eee 1000 years 


102 Op. cit., 16. 
103 W. J. Sollas, Ancient Hunters, 76. 
104 Tbid., 190. 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 279 


That such an age is not unreasonable seems to be indicated by the 
archaeological material which shows a remarkable evenness. This has 
been cited to show the extraordinary stability of culture among the 
aborigines during a period of three or four thousand years. In view of 
the fact that such stability is taken as extraordinary, and considering 
the time of accumulation based on actual data, it seems more reasonable 
to the author to cite this evenness of culture rather as a proof of a 
short period of elapsed time for the history of the mound. 

While the Emeryville mound may be no older than 500 to 1000 
years, and the differences we are able to detect in its culture are not 
very helpful in determining characteristics of relatively older cultures, 
it must be remembered that Emeryville is not necessarily the oldest 
mound of the bay region. The absence of stratification does not 
eliminate the possibility of the discovery of characteristic differences 
in different mounds, and of the securing of evidence (e.g., subsidence) 
of the relative ages of the mound which would enable cultural dis- 
tinctions due to time to be detected. Awaiting such studies we cannot 
place man’s residence on San Francisco bay at too remote a period. 


280 


Plate 35. 
of Areas 28, 29, and 30. 


Plate 36. 


and 9. 


Plate 37. 


University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 


in Area 20. 


Plate 38. Bone awls; a-e, of ulnae—type I; f-m, of cannon-bone—type IJ; 
n-q, of tibiae—type III; r-s, of sea-otter penis bone—type V. 


Ss as 8 


1—25735 
1—26081 
1—25737 
1-25739 
1-26079 
1—25764 


EXPLANATION OF PLATES 


1-25780 
1-25756 
1-25763 
1-26092 
1-25760 
1-25762 


~ HPS SEQ 


Rete 7 a, aie core 


. 1-25781 
1-25745 
1—25752 


. 1-25748 


1—25749 
1-26138 
1—26137 


[Vol. 23 


a. The Emeryville shellmound in October, 1924; b. Southerly wall 
a. Calcined layer on northwest slope; 6. Cross-section in Areas 8 


a. Heavy ash deposits in Areas 21, 22, 29, 30; b. Clamshell lenses 


Plate 39. Bone awls; h, of bird bone—type VI; all others of rib bone—type 


Plate 40. Bone fleshers. 


Ss 


Plate 41. 
a. 


1—26134 
1=26135 
1-26131 
1-26122 
1—26129 
1—26123 


1—26069 
1—26073 
1—26073 
1—25733 


1—26188 


b. 1-26189 


ati sas 


1—25872 
1—25865 
1—25880 
1-25881 
1—26466 


. 1-26116 


. 1-25820 
1—25790 


g 
h 
v. 
j. 1-25789 
k, 1-26101 
1. 1-26105 


1-25734 
1-25723 
1-25727 
1-25731 


~Q TAO 


Bone tubes and whistles. 


1-26525 
1—25884 
1—25885 
1-25885 
1-25885 
. 1-25871 
1—25873 
1—25848 


S83 eo > 


Plate 42. Bone and horn artifacts. 


a. 
b. 
Gs 


1—25818 
1—25886 
1-26141 


d. 1-25890 
e. 1-26220 
f. 1-26195 


Sh), ehigie Dera Re sees 


. 1-26106 
. 1-26112 


1—25785 


. 1-26113 


1-25788 
1-25799 


1-25730 
1-25726 
1—25729 
1-25720 


. 1-25724 


. 1-25849 
1—25846 


1-25845 
1—25836 
1-25837 
1—25861 
1—25835 


. 1-25855 


1—26194 
1-25897 
1—26208 
1-25891 


1926 | Schenck: The Emeryville Shellmound 281 


Plate 43. Bone and horn artifacts; a-c, awls of uncertain bone—type VIII; 
d, awl of fish bone—type VII; e-g, bone needles; h-i, bone pins; j-p, bone beads; 
g-r, bone tubes; s-hp, fishhook parts; pd, horn pendant; bt, beaver’s tooth; mb, 
drilled astragalus bone. 


a. 1-25806 k. 1-26183 u. 1-26172 
b. 1-25814 1. 1-26184 v. 1+26173 
c. 1-25807 m. 1-26185 w. 1-26175 
d. 1-25819 n. 1-26186 a. 1-26177 
e. 1-26165 0. 1-25874 y. 1-25909 
f. 1-26166 p. 1-25878 z. 1-+25907 
g. 1-25826 g. 1-25877 fh. 1-26527 
h. 1-26162 r. 1-25879 hp. 1-25908 
i. 1-26163 s. 1-26170 pd. 1-26196 
j. 1-26182 t. 1-26171 bt. 1-25895 

mb. 1-26457 


Plate 44. Horn artifacts; a-g, wedges; h, doubtful; 7, cup; j-l, antler tip 
pendants; m, doubtful. 


a. 1-25898 e. 1-26206 i. 1-26219 
b. 1-26200 fon 26218 j. 1-25906 
c. 1-26201 g. 1-26216 k. 1-26528 
d. 1-26207 h. 1-26210 1. 1-25905 

m. 1-26470 


Plate 45. Shell beads and discs; a—b, abalone shell beads; c, mussel shell bead; 
d-e, olivella whole shell bead; f-g, olivella disc bead; h-i, olivella inlay or bushing; 
j-k, olivella bead, ring type; l—m, olivella rectangular bead, broad type; n-o, 
olivella rectangular bead, barrow type; p-q, miscellaneous ornaments; r-t, abalone 
discs. 


a. 1-25616 g. 1-25654 n. 1-25699 
b. 1-25616 h. 1-25659 o. 1-25699 
c. 1-26053 1. 1-25659 p. 1-25619 
d. 1-25628 7. 1-25682 qg. 1-25619 
e. 1-25628 k. 1-25682 r. 1-25618 
f. 1-25654 l. 1-25688 s. 1-25598 

m. 1-25688 t. 1-25610 

Plate 46. Abalone shell pendants. 

a. 1-25557 h. ,1-25571 o. 1-25587 
b. 1-26036 i. 1-25576 p. 1-25592 
c. 1-25568 FA yar q. 1-26044 
d. 1-25563 k. 1-25579 r. 1-25595 
e. 1-25570 I. 1-25579 s. 1-25595 
f. 1-25570 m. 1-25587 t. 1-26038 
g. 1-25571 n. 1-25587 u. 1-26051 


Plate 47. Pendants, crystals, basketry; a-g, mica pendants; h-j, quartz 
crystals; k-o, abalone shell pendants; p, ‘‘snake’s head’’; g-s, basketry evidence. 


a. 1-25539 g. 1-25538 m. 1-25585 
b. 1-25539 h. 1-25449 n. 1-25585 
c. 1-25539 a. 1-25553 0. 1-25584 
d. 1-25540 j. 1-25553 p. 1-25439 
e. 1-25540 k. 1-25580 g. 1-25958* 
f. 1-25538 l. 1-25596 r. 1-25958* 

s. 1-25958 


* Wax impression of. 


282 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 23 


Plate 48. Chipped stone points. All are of obsidian except k, which is of 
mottled flint; p, which is gray chalcedony; and g, which is greenish chert. 


a. 1-25505 f. 1-25456 1. 1-26004 
b. 1-26006 . g. 1-25457 m. 1-26001 
c. 1-26010 h. 1-25451 n. 1-26007 
d, 1-25452 7. 1-25460 o. 1-260i1 
e. 1-25455 j. 1-26000 p. 1-25450 
k. 1-25997 q. 1-25998 
Plate 49. Stone mortars; a, type V; b, type I. 
a. 125349 b. 1-25323 
Plate 50. Stone mortars; a, type II; b, type III; c, type IV. 
a. 1-25531 b. 1-25337 c. 1-25343 
Plate 51. Pestles. 
a. 1-25412. Type III. c. 1-25380. Type II. 
b. 1-25376. Type I. d. 1-25420. Type IV. 
Plate 52. Pipes and plugs; a—c, pipes; d, g, plugs; e, f, pipes. 
a. 1-25503 d. 1-25497 f. 1-25498 
b. 1-25501 e. 1-25499 g. 1-25496 
c. 1-25500 
Plate 53. Plummet-like stones and (or) charmstones. 
a, 1-26012 f. 1-25473b k. 1-25485 
b. 1-26013 g. 1-25473¢ I. 1-25481 
c. 1-26015 h. 1-25487 m. 1-25464 
d. 1-25482 i. 1-25474 n. 1-25465 
e. 1-25476 j. 1-25488 . 0. 1-25466 
p. 1-25463 


Plate 54. Miscellaneous mineral pieces. a, sinker; b-c, sharpening stones; 
d-f, baked clay; g, chalcedony concretion; h, ‘“‘red paint’’; 7, obsidian pebble; 
j, round pebble; k, whetstone; /, doubtful; m, paint mortar; n, greenstone schist 
pestle. 


a. 1-25495 e. 1-25959 j. 1-26541 
b. 1-25955 f. 1-25960 k. 1-26532 
c. 1-25953 g. 1-25447 l. 1-25436 
d. 1-25543 h. 1-25506 m. 1-25914 

7. 1-25461 n. 1-26534 





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UNIV. -GAEBIP? PUBES AMARC EI Ei NG VO) ess [SCHENCK] PLATE 35 





a. THE EMERYVILLE MOUND IN OCTOBER, 1924 





b. SOUTHERLY WALL OF AREAS 28, 29, AND 30 





+ 


UNIVMGALIES PUBLS AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 36 





a. CALCINED LAYERS ON NORTHWESTERN SLOPE 





b. CROSS-SECTION IN AREAS 8 AND 9 


& 


_ 
ce 





UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 37 





ad. HEAVY ASH DEPOSIT IN AREAS 21], 22, 29, AND 30 





b. CLAMSHELL LENSES IN AREA 20 


wy 


W 


‘ 
. 





UNIV CAP Ee PUBL AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 38 





BONE AWLS 





Sy 


UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. WAGY EE. (275) [SCHENCK] PLATE 39 





BONE AWLS 


Was 


oy 





UNIV. CALIF. FUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 40 





BONE FLESHERS 





UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 41 





BONE TUBES AND* WHISTLES 


By 





UNIV. CALIF. FUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 42 





BONE AND HORN ARTIFACTS 


Nive eAtlir a eUBE AM. ARCH. @ ETHN VOL.~23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 43 


a 














j PD 
HP BT 





BONE AND HORN ARTIFACTS 


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Univ. CALIF PUBL. AM. ARCH, & ETHN. VOL. 23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 44 





HORN ARTIFACTS 





. ¢ 


UNiVeGAltE: PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ERHN: VOL. 23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 45 





SHELL BEADS AND DISCS 


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, 
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by 
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ca 
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UINIVS CAEP PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 46 


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ABALONE SHELL PENDANTS 

















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UNI Venti bea UBL. AM. ARGH. & ETHN: VOL. 23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 47 








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PENDANTS, CRYSTALS, BASKERTY 


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WIN Vee Aline OBL AM. ARGH: -& ELMAN: VOL. 23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 48 





CHIPPED STONE POINTS 


wh 





BNIVeIGCALIES PUBIED AM. ARGH & EQRHN. VOL. 23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 49 





STONE MORTARS 


* 


ay 





WIN GALT. PUBL AM. ARGH. -& ETHN. VOL. 23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 50 





STONE MORTARS 


va 





DiI Vee AloUrweeUB i AM: ARCH. @& ETHN. VOL: 23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 51 





PESTLES 


“ 





5 
BS 


UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 23 [SGHENCK] PLATE 52 











e 





PIPES AND PLUGS 


Poa 








UNV GALE. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & EITHN: VOL? 23 [SCHENCK] PLATE 53 





PLUMMET-LIKE STONES 





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WINIVese lel seUBL. AM. ARGH. & EFHIN. VOL. 2'3 [SCHENCK] PLATE 54 





MISCELLANEOUS MINERAL PIECES 

































































“UNIVERSITY ¢ oF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS s— _(Gontinved). 


1 Composition of California Shellmounds, by Bdward: Winslow Gifford, : Bp 
1-29,” “February,, 1916 cine sere inne Vhomstiwatns dota ictinnhnddne ditions ehcatansiastieteobis srcvetanseeisbcneus! 

a California Place: Names of Indian Origin, by A. ‘AL. Kroeber, . “Pp. 31-69, 

, hy od ine, UE ee eh ie CA Me NGS a Seas nniseeeenswerecenetennenenacenstetmennnes : 40.” 

. Arapaho Dialects, by A.G, Kroeber. Pp, 71-188, June, 1916 ri A eae 

é a Miwok Moieties, by Edward’ Winslow Gifford. ‘Pp. 199-194, June, 1916. | Bo us | ee 
5. On Plotting the Infections of the Voice, by Cornélius B, Bradley. Py (95-— Pr te ae 

Pics BIB, ‘plated bby October 191e, ce ee nee en Cig (8 MeN 

4 ‘Titbatulabal: and Kawaiisu Kinship Terms, by Edward: ‘Winslow CONF ores eh Phin 

Pp. 219-248, | ‘February, 1917 Pe wh oP ERE Rese 2 MERIDA eee RON TEE LIRA 6 80) Wy ete. : 

te Bandelier’ 8 Contribution to the Study of Ancient Mexican Social Organiza. Be PATI 

/) tion, by T.-L. Waterman. Pp. 249-282. ;Penrearyy Rt Tce he Oe) eB 

7 Miwok Myths, ‘by, Edward Winslow Gifford. Pp. 285-938, (pase Nae rel ¥ os eh 


“g Calttoria: ‘Kinship ‘Systems, A, ti, ‘roebee : Pp ‘389-806, “May. 4917 | be tick Sea, OO gts Pat: ' 
Ceremonies of the Pomo: ‘Indians, by. 8. A. Barrett, . Pp. 897-441, ry text co bse a see 
SERGE ope yale atta aE Se aN Inline alge TRalea Ca CRAG. na 























‘11, Potio Bear Doctors, by 8. A, Barrett, Pp. B40, Diate: 1. aay 1917, need 
re 7) 2 Thdex, pp. 467-478.) 991 a, sin Ee Ohne ay Bint URC Sih eae 
Vol..18,, bi The. ‘Position of Yana in the ‘Hokan Stock, by z. Sapir. Pp. 184. duly, 
: a 1917, - Sac LGhS PSEA Der ayemIpce sgn aly ERE oe POY arg geen RMT a oe 4 
raat as Paced REA lore ea AN 5 AG "ke :. re y 
8. Patt ae ay ising oy Boon oe tnciaa™ anton 21-87, ‘March, 1918.78 8 


4, Yana Terms of Relationship, by Edward Sapir. Pp. 153-173,;. March, 1918: 88 a 
-§. The: ‘Medical History of Ishi, by, Saxton’ Ty, Pope. . Pp. 175-213, plates’ 33-44, he 
> 8 figures in text...May, 1920 0 LRA UE. BEES MGS INN MRS AB 
6. The’ Fundamental Elements of ‘Northern: ‘Vana, by Edward Sapir. “Pp. 21b- pe 
fg i tale Coste phere | a 
‘ 7. : unctional Families of the, ‘Patwin, iby. Ww. G. McKern, ie 85-258, April, 
EEC ONE AMR Sai Mt RSA RNA TOL ea 
8, Elements of Culture in Native, California, by re 
ue He vwith 4: maps. November, pein sathshsngnccheteneiams inte 
ve i Study: of Bows. and Arrows ; 
BA. ev apeiron es ae 
Ind lex, DD. ereen 
«The. Lang Al 
; /, January, ye coke 
ans and ‘Moteties va nas Baw ward Wilastow ‘Gitord, pr Tent, 
ae Pp. 155-219, ak figure in’ text. March, 1919: Rau oe hy oy Si yea 
BE eaten teed and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory, by. ‘Tewellyn a VAG Aenea a. 
Lond, Pp, 221-436, plates 1-21,16 text figures. December, 1919 sapnigaern 250 Vi Nek 
ie Wintun Hest. Ceremony, by B.A. Barrett. ‘Pp, 437-488, Plated MO END aah Pe 

“ 4 ig jeunes intext, Marcy 1919 ieee eats nian 
Genetic: Relationship’ of the North American, Andian Languages, oy 
raul Radin. Pp. 489-502. May, 1919", Ee ies ode gi 
5 eee _ Index, pp: 5 603-506." ene na: ETS ih 
VoL.15, 1. Tigao Law, by 5, > “Barton.. Pp. 1-186, sasha 1-33., at ne 

/ 2, Nabalol Songs, by C. B. Moss and A, i. ‘Kroeber, Py. 187-206. ‘May, 1018 
“3. 
ty srapecniantvanaronnves 


: Kankanay Gpremonion,. by. , Bi “Mos Bp. $is-g04 ‘October, 1920.) 1.65 
a Ifugao. Economics, py: BY F. Barton. Pp (385-446, ine 8-45 iprniicoas 22 
Wp S ¢ Indem, pp. 447-4530 80 Gn! ; Hae 
6. 1. Myth of the Southern Sierra. Miwok, by 8. A. Barrett, "Pp. LBB, ye “March, - X, 
GAGs Bi U8 8 Sop ah a DBO NEN, START UREN © ee ree is RSENS AISLE IT 
2, The Matrilineal Complex, by Robert H. | sowie. ‘Pp. 29-45, ‘March; 1919... 
8, The Idnguistic Families of California, by Roland B, Dixon and A, 1. 
‘Kroeber. Pp, 47-118; map 1, 1. figure. ie text... bok ianiige 1919 penvukerovery | See aby. 
“4, Calendars of the Indians ‘North. of bee a by aan hp ss ene ea 3 i 
\MwitheS maps, ° ‘November,’ A918 7 
f. avok (Nuaiees ey AA iy ‘Wat erm 

maps. I iY 4 ; alee A aa Be Ne eae Sg 
6 er cate. Indians, by: Lucile, eiuoner 1, “Pp, 315-380... eu 1920. PS ree 
Te oid Sige igatal of a Winnebago: Indian, by. Paul ‘Radin Pp, 8 81-473. ° 


1920 PIES BLE Bee iatonene ot 


8s , Taman ‘Tribes of the. seat Siena wae er, Bp. 475 485, 





















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Nabalot Law and Ritual, by fers B. Moss. Pp, 207-842, plates 34-87. October, A 





































































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6 ‘the ‘Stege Mounds at Richmo a. Oalifornia, welly 
2, plates’ 18, 19, 1 figure in text, mber, 1924... 
7. Archaic Qulttre Horizons in. the Valley: of, Mexico, by, | 
: Pp. 373-408, plate 20, 182. oN , 192 
Index in’ ‘preparation. 


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